As immigration authorities carry out what President Donald Trump has promised will be the largest mass deportation operation in U.S. history, several states are passing laws to keep children out of foster care when their detained parents have no family or friends available to take temporary custody of them.

The federal government doesn’t track how many children have entered foster care because of immigration enforcement actions, leaving it unclear how often it happens. In Oregon, as of February two children had been placed in foster care after being separated from their parents in immigration detention cases, according to Jake Sunderland, a spokesperson for the Oregon Department of Human Services.

“Before fall 2025, this simply had never happened before,” Sunderland said.

As of mid-February, nearly by Immigration and Customs Enforcement. The record 73,000 people in detention in January represented an compared with one year before. According to , parents of 11,000 children who are U.S. citizens were detained from the beginning of Trump’s term through August.

The news outlet NOTUS that at least 32 children of detained or deported parents had been placed in foster care in seven states.

Sandy Santana, executive director of Children’s Rights, a legal advocacy organization, said he thinks the actual number is much higher.

“That, to us, seems really, really low,” he said.

Separation from a parent is deeply traumatic for children and can lead to , including post-traumatic stress disorder. Prolonged, intense stress can lead to more-frequent infections in children and developmental issues. That “toxic stress” is also associated with damage to areas of the brain responsible for learning and memory, , a health information nonprofit that includes KFF Health News.

, and amended existing laws during Trump’s first term to allow guardians to be granted temporary parental rights for immigration enforcement reasons. Now the enforcement surge that began after Trump returned to office last year has prompted a new wave of state responses.

In New Jersey, lawmakers are considering to amend a state law that allows parents to nominate standby, or temporary, guardians in the cases of death, incapacity, or debilitation. The bill would add separation due to federal immigration enforcement as another allowable reason.

Nevada and California passed laws last year to protect families separated by immigration enforcement actions. California’s law, called the , allows parents to nominate guardians and share custodial rights, instead of having them suspended, while they’re detained. They regain their full parental rights if they are released and are able to reunite with their children.

There are significant legal barriers to reunification once a child is placed in state custody, said Juan Guzman, director of children’s court and guardianship at the Alliance for Children’s Rights, a legal advocacy organization in Los Angeles.

If a parent’s child is placed in foster care and the parent cannot participate in required court proceedings because they are in detention or have been deported, it’s less likely they will be able to reunite with their child, Guzman said.

are U.S. citizens who live with a parent or family member who does not have legal immigration status, according to research from the Brookings Institution, a Washington, D.C.-based think tank. Within that group, 2.6 million children have two parents lacking legal status.

Santana said he expects the number of family separation cases to grow as the Trump administration continues its immigration enforcement campaign, putting more children at risk of being placed in foster care.

the agency to make efforts to facilitate detained parents’ participation in family court, child welfare, or guardianship proceedings, but Santana said it’s uncertain whether ICE is complying with those rules.

ICE officials did not respond to requests for comment for this report.

Before the change in California’s law, the only way a parent could share custodial rights with another guardian was if the parent was terminally ill, Guzman said.

If parents create a preparedness plan and identify an individual to assume guardianship of their children, the state child welfare agency can begin the process of placing the children with that individual without opening a formal foster care case, he added.

While Nevada lawmakers expanded an existing guardianship law last year to include immigration enforcement, the measure requires the parents to file notarized paperwork with the secretary of state’s office, an administrative step that may be burdensome, said Cristian Gonzalez-Perez, an attorney at Make the Road Nevada, a nonprofit that provides resources to immigrant communities.

Gonzalez-Perez said some immigrants are still hesitant to fill out government forms, out of fear that ICE might access their information and target them. He reassures community members that the state forms are secure and can be accessed only by hospitals and courts.

The Trump administration has taken through the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services, the IRS, the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, the Department of Housing and Urban Development, and other entities.

Gonzalez-Perez and Guzman said that not enough immigrant parents know their rights. Nominating a temporary guardian and creating a plan for their families is one way they can prevent feelings of helplessness, Gonzalez-Perez said.

“Folks don’t want to talk about it, right?” Guzman said. “The parent having to speak to a child about the possibility of separation, it’s scary. It’s not something anybody wants to do.”

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More recently, though, the preschool decided to establish protocols for another kind of emergency: the presence of Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents in the area. 

Ever since the start of the second Trump administration, when immigration enforcement activity across the country intensified, staff and families have experienced extreme stress and anxiety about the possibility of masked agents apprehending children at their own schools, said Leah Cates, executive director of Second Street Youth Center. (Previously, education settings like Second Street would’ve been protected from immigration raids under the so-called sensitive locations policy, but the administration that designation in January 2025.)  

Cates is glad she put that new lockdown protocol in place, she said, because they’ve had to activate it twice already. 

One of those times, a teacher heard a young boy at the school yell, “Pistola! Pistola!” — Spanish for “gun” — after he saw, through a window, an ICE agent with his weapon drawn, trying to detain someone on the street right outside the school.

“We had to pull our children off the playground, bring them in and immediately go into lockdown,” Cates said. 

Some children go on walks in the community with teachers throughout the day, she added. During lockdowns, the staff use radios to communicate about the presence of ICE and determine whether groups on walks should return to the school or go to a nearby church or the fire department to seek immediate shelter. 

Their fears are not unfounded. So far, five of the 210 children enrolled in the state-funded preschool, which serves ages 3 to 5, have experienced a parent or primary caregiver detained by ICE, said Cates, who is keeping track of the impact on her school community. Many other students have relatives who have been detained, deported or otherwise apprehended by the federal agents. More than 80% of the students are from immigrant families, she added, and most are from South and Central American countries. 

Second Street offers just one example of the terror echoing through homes and early childhood programs across the country, in red and blue states, in rural and urban communities, and in documented and undocumented families. 

Researchers at the Center for Law and Social Policy, a national, anti-poverty nonprofit, have been examining the impact this administration’s immigration agenda is having on young children and their caregivers.

Between June and December 2025, CLASP staff held focus groups with 56 “at-risk” immigrant parents and primary caregivers of 74 children ages 6 and under. They also interviewed nearly 70 individuals who provide services to these families — many of them as early care and education providers, but also some home visitors, health care workers and others. Their findings, which anonymize the participants, are detailed in a pair of reports — centered on the experiences of young children and their immigrant families, and focused on early care and education providers in their communities.

The interviews were conducted in seven states: Colorado, Georgia, Illinois, Michigan, New Jersey, Texas and Washington. In those states, immigrant families with young children range from 13% of the population in Michigan to 41% in New Jersey, according to from the Urban Institute, which combines from 2022 and 2023. Nationally, about 24% of children ages 5 and under have at least one immigrant parent. 

What emerged from the research is a clear picture of communities that are experiencing toxic stress and trauma, said Kaelin Rapport, policy analyst at CLASP and an author of both reports. 

“People are really scared, and they’re struggling immensely,” Rapport said. “Care providers are not feeling secure. Parents are struggling to feel safe themselves. Children are internalizing these stressors and these pressures.”

The concern that many immigrant adults feel, Rapport added, is preventing some of them from leaving their homes, whether it’s to go to the grocery store or to work. 

“It’s confining the entire family inside this emotional pressure cooker,” Rapport said.

Many parents attempt to shield their young children by avoiding conversations about immigration enforcement, yet their fears and anxieties still permeate the household.

“It was very clear that children are feeling the trickle-down effects of stress,” said Suma Setty, senior policy analyst for immigration and immigrant families at CLASP and an author of the two reports. 

During an interview, the director of a child care center near Dallas shared with Setty that, before 2025, children in the program used to be so curious about visitors who came to the center. Now, when they see new faces, they hide behind the teachers’ legs. “That’s been a marked change she has observed,” Setty said. 

Cates, who was interviewed for the CLASP reports and shared details about the experiences of her preschool community with The 74, has seen the way information about immigration enforcement reaches children at Second Street — and how they respond. 

It’s a regular practice at the preschool for staff to ask children how they’re feeling each day, she shared. One day, a little girl said she was scared. Her teacher told her she is safe at Second Street. But the girl said, “No, ICE can get me,” then started to cry, Cates recalled. 

“The child knows,” she said. “They may not understand everything, but they know someone was taken in their families. They see the upset of parents, the upset of family members.”

Then, she added, they take what they learned and tell their friends. Cates and other staff have overheard children talking about ICE on the playground, she said. 

“We think we’re doing a great job of shielding children, but little children have big ears. They put their listening ears on, and they hear everything,” she said. “We’re not doing as good a job as we think. Those 3-, 4- and 5-year-olds are hearing, and being affected by, the trauma.”

In interviews for the CLASP report, Rapport said, several families and early care and education providers described children as “clingy” now. Some children who had been sleeping independently through the night are now insisting on sleeping in bed with their parents. Others, he heard, are less friendly, more emotionally reactive, more frightened of strangers and less adaptable to changes in routine. 

As for the caregiving staff he interviewed, Rapport said a word that comes to mind to describe their predicament is “desperation.” They are stressed and traumatized from the past 15 months too. They’re also depressed, burned out and dealing with compassion fatigue. 

“People who work in child care and early education do it because they love children and want children to succeed in life. They want children to have a healthy upbringing,” Rapport said. “They pour so much of themselves into that work. They’re pouring from that well, and sometimes that well runs dry … for themselves and their families.”

Most early care and education providers are underpaid, working in under-resourced programs, and in some cases are immigrants themselves or have immigrant family members to think of, the researchers said. Yet, as they write in the report focused on providers, “ECE service providers are being asked to do more than the work that they trained for; they are asked to be immigration law experts, administrative law experts, second parents, and even work for free.”

That certainly rings true at Second Street Youth Center. 

In addition to the new lockdown protocols, the preschool has made changes to other procedures. 

The program has implemented “very stringent rules” around access into the building. “If we don’t recognize who you are, we aren’t letting you into the first doorway,” Cates said. The maintenance staff, as part of their duties, now regularly walk a two-block radius around the building to scan for ICE activity. Families know to text school staff about any ICE activity they’ve seen or heard about in the area, and staff then distribute the message to all families so they can make alternative pick-up arrangements for their children. 

On top of that, Second Street has held events to educate parents about their rights. The school partnered with an immigration attorney who volunteered to help families make a plan for their children in the event something happens to them. 

The work is taking a toll on staff, she said, noting that staff are increasingly asking for a day off here and there because “it’s just all too much.” 

“But my staff … understand the No. 1 concern is the health, safety and well-being of children,” Cates emphasized. “Before we do anything else, our job is to keep children safe.”

Two recent stories by reporters here at The 74 demonstrate the ongoing ripple effects of the Trump administration’s massive deportation campaign. One deals with money, the other with home. 

My colleague Linda Jacobson detailed how empty desks are adding up, whether it’s students who are absent from school, families who have been detained or others who’ve left their districts — or fled the country — on their own.

States fund districts based on per-pupil enrollment, and in California, that dollar figure comes from daily average attendance. In Minnesota, where immigration enforcement actions��, the state requires districts to drop students from the rolls if they’ve been absent for 15 straight days. Unless an emergency exemption to the rule is granted, one district outside Minneapolis is facing a $1 million hit to its $51 million budget.

“I remember walking in the hallways going, ‘Holy God, where are all the kids?’ ” an employee in another Minnesota district told Linda. “It was eerie.”

Meanwhile, Jo Napolitano looked at what happens when the parents go missing, specifically after being detained or deported by Immigration and Customs Enforcement. Jo reports that for their children, thousands of whom are U.S. citizens, this abrupt upheaval often means removal from home and��school.

Some can find themselves, brand-new passports in hand, being sent to their parents’ birth country, which may be totally unfamiliar, or to live with family or friends —��unless those adults’ citizenship status is also precarious and they may be too afraid to take them in. An unlucky number are placed in foster care and some are just left alone.

“We’ve heard about 15- and 16-year-olds living by themselves for several weeks because their parents were detained and they had no idea where they were,” one advocate said. “ICE was not checking to make sure they were OK. These are U.S. citizen kids.”
��
Click����and����to read the full stories.

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Emotional Support

Finn, a border collie/Australian shepherd mix, contemplates his California existence — or perhaps just whether it’s time for The 74’s Phyllis Jordan to feed him dinner.

Dylan Lopez Contreras sat waiting for a copy of his class schedule in a sunny fourth-floor room of his Bronx high school as his counselor walked in wearing a “Free Dylan” button attached to the strap of his messenger bag.

Dylan stood, and Hedin Bernard lifted Dylan’s more-than-6-foot frame off the floor in a tight bear hug.

It had been more than 10 months since Dylan set foot in ELLIS Preparatory Academy, a high school geared toward older, newly arrived immigrant students. The last time the two had seen each other, Dylan’s hair was dyed purple and just covered his ears. Now, it fell below the 21-year-old’s shoulders and the purple dye had faded to yellow.

Last May, in a Manhattan courthouse after his asylum hearing, making him the first known New York City public school student detained during President Donald Trump’s second term. The Venezuelan native became the public face of an , remaining in custody until .

After Dylan’s arrest, his mom Raiza’s . Ever since then, Bernard has, along with ELLIS founding Principal Norma Vega, led the school’s efforts to rally behind Dylan, which included helping to put Raiza in touch with lawyers and advocates, organizing a student letter-writing campaign, and supporting a fundraiser for the family. With Dylan’s return to ELLIS, they hope he can focus on “what will happen, not what did happen,” Vega said.

But the jubilation of Dylan’s return has been mixed with frequent reminders of the looming threat of immigration enforcement facing him and other ELLIS students.

Immigration and Customs Enforcement, or ICE, released Dylan while he awaits a decision on an appeal in his . An immigration judge , and the appeals process could take years, according to his lawyers from the New York Legal Assistance Group. But ICE has the ability to take him back into custody at any time and requires regular check-ins, his lawyers said.

Shortly after Bernard reunited with Dylan Tuesday morning, as Dylan scarfed down a donut and drank coffee poured from Bernard’s thermos, the counselor invited him to join a college trip that week.

ELLIS staffers believe that is the surest path out of poverty. The trip would visit three colleges in upstate New York.

Dylan glanced down at his leg, where a black ankle monitor had been attached as a condition of his release. With his travel restrictions, Dylan knew he likely couldn’t attend.

But that didn’t slow down the ELLIS staffers for long. Later that morning, Bernard asked a colleague to invite college representatives to ELLIS, so Dylan wouldn’t have to leave school to meet them.

Dylan’s detention still lingers

The swiftness of the changes over the past two weeks has been hard for Dylan to comprehend.

After months in Moshannon Valley Processing Center, a Western Pennsylvania detention facility, Dylan had , flanked by Gov. Kathy Hochul and Mayor Zohran Mamdani, thanking his supporters in Spanish from under the blue brim of a New York Knicks hat.

He had been sleeping on a thin cot in a cell with more than 70 men. Now he was in his own bed, cuddled with his younger siblings, ages 8 and 10, who had asked to sleep next to him. And after losing about 30 pounds in detention because he often couldn’t stomach the food, Dylan had a phalanx of adults at ELLIS showering him with .

“It’s a big contrast, to go through so much mistreatment, and then come back to people who love and support you,” he said in Spanish.

Still, his thoughts drift back to a friend in detention nicknamed “El Mayor,” or the elder, who has already called Dylan to let him know how happy he was to hear about his release and to ask if he could use his public profile to advocate for the release of others. (Dylan did exactly that at his press conference.) As long as those men remain in detention, Moshannon Valley is “not going to feel very far away,” he said.

A Department of Homeland Security spokesperson denied that there were any problems with the conditions at Moshannon. “All detainees are provided with proper meals, water, medical treatment, and have opportunities to communicate with their family members and lawyers,” the spokesperson said. “In fact, ICE has higher detention standards than most U.S. prisons that hold actual U.S. citizens.”

ELLIS staffers said reintegrating Dylan into school will mean helping him catch up on all he missed over the past 10 months while also processing the ongoing trauma of his detention.

While Dylan was incarcerated, his classmates ., prepared for or taken Regents exams they needed for graduation, and kept up with the guitar lessons Dylan enjoyed before his arrest.

Letters from his classmates helped sustain him as his detention stretched from days to months, and his optimism for a quick release faded. He watched new detainees — including grandparents and young kids — come and go while he remained locked up.

Dylan had no formal education in detention. But he was determined to do what he could to keep up with his English.

He practiced speaking with cellmates from places like China and the United Kingdom and to advocate for better treatment from the guards.

He devoured manga and Marvel comics donated by the advocacy group ROCC NYC, which played a critical role in supporting his family and keeping public attention on his case. He scoured an English dictionary from the facility’s library to learn new vocabulary but had no one to check his pronunciation. And he tried to read some classics, such as Mary Shelley’s “Frankenstein” and “Chronicle of a Death Foretold” by Colombian author Gabriel García Márquez.

When he returned to ELLIS last week, Vega stopped him in the hallway to hand him a gift from a staffer in her district office: a copy of Dante’s “Divine Comedy,” another classic Dylan had asked to read but couldn’t get a copy of.

Dylan, who had fled Venezuelan dictator Nicolas Maduro’s repressive regime, had been , and spent 10 months in ICE custody, had said he wanted to understand Dante’s nine circles of hell.

ELLIS gears up to help Dylan adjust

Staffers at ELLIS are accustomed to helping students navigate all kinds of trauma, but they’d never had a student return from long-term incarceration, Bernard said.

Dylan’s counselors at ELLIS plan to refer him to a Spanish-speaking therapist through a mental health clinic located on the first floor of ELLIS’ building, Bernard said. And staffers will watch for any signs that he is struggling.

They’re also hoping to give Dylan chances to enjoy himself outside academic courses, though his ankle monitor is complicating those plans. His counselor enrolled Dylan in a swim class, but Dylan worried about getting the device wet.

Schools in New York are required to continue enrolling students through age 21, but state law doesn’t stop them from staying longer if the school agrees, Vega said.

ELLIS staffers don’t want to keep Dylan in high school longer than necessary but are encouraging him to stay for two years, so he can master English before applying to college.

In the meantime, he is eager to earn money to help his mom and siblings with rent. He hopes to take a bartending course so he can work at night without interfering with his school schedule.

Dylan worked long hours as a delivery driver before his arrest, and Bernard remains concerned about how long he’ll want to stay in school.

Staffers at ELLIS are working on finding him an internship that allows him to make money while learning new skills and burnishing his college resume.

Dylan said he’s willing to stay at ELLIS “as long as it takes.”

Dylan and ELLIS face an uncertain future

Dylan’s arrest, and the aggressive escalation in immigration enforcement it represented, cast a long shadow over ELLIS over the past 10 months, .

Students had begun to talk more openly about self-deportation. Pressure to abandon school for work grew as students confronted their diminished prospects for building a future in the U.S. And ELLIS’ enrollment, like that at immigrant-heavy schools across the city, has declined as border crossings slowed to a trickle.

Many of the ELLIS students who greeted Dylan Tuesday with tearful hugs and exclamations like “bienvenidos, loco!” (welcome back, crazy!) had endured their own brushes with immigration enforcement.

Dylan saw a friend whose mother was deported while he was in detention, leaving her without a way to pay rent or look after her toddler during school hours. Dylan’s is considering returning to Ecuador in part because of the fear of ICE. Another student saw Dylan’s ankle monitor and asked a staff member what the device did, adding that her dad had one too, Bernard said.

And when Dylan greeted two fellow Venezuelan students, one asked if he’d had to sleep on the floor — noting that’s where he’d slept after being detained while crossing the border. “I know the floor,” Dylan responded with a wry smile.

During lunch time, Dylan settled into a booth with friends and munched on mozzarella sticks. He had a newfound appreciation for school cafeteria food.

His friendships were what Dylan missed most about ELLIS, and there was lots to catch up on. The conversation soon turned to an ordinary high school concern: Dylan had to figure out what color to dye his hair next.

Chalkbeat is a nonprofit news site covering educational change in public schools. This story was originally published by Chalkbeat. Sign up for their newsletters at .

“These support systems are what students really rely on,” one girl told the board. “As someone who struggles a lot with being overwhelmed and anxious, sometimes I just need someone to talk to.”

The layoffs will help reduce an $8.6 million budget deficit, due in part to the loss of 350 students. 

Sarah Neville, a board member in the Boston-area district, knows one reason enrollment is down. Under federal law, districts can’t ask whether students are U.S. citizens, but almost 90% of the 5,700-students are Latino and 47% are English learners. The state education agency estimates that the population of English learners in Massachusetts schools has since 2024. Officials from Chelsea and other metro-area districts say as Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents conducted raids in last fall.

“We’re low hanging fruit for ICE because so many of our folks are undocumented,” Neville said. “When they say, ‘We’re going to go target Boston,’ you find the vans actually hanging out in Chelsea.”

The district is among several across the country now confronting the financial impact of the Trump administration’s immigration enforcement efforts. Whether students are absent from school, families have been detained, or they’ve left the district or the country on their own, the empty desks add up.

Districts no longer have federal COVID relief funds to fall back on, and many already saw steep enrollment declines during the pandemic. The Chelsea board is one of asking the legislature for one-time grants to help address the shortfall. With fixed costs like payroll and contracts with vendors, a sharp drop in enrollment “creates chaos,” Neville said.

In Texas, officials from , and several districts in the are among those who say the immigration crackdown has contributed to further enrollment loss and, with it, potential drops in state funding. 

Districts’ heightened concerns over finances come as conservatives increasingly argue that American taxpayers shouldn’t be footing the bill to educate undocumented students in the first place. 

During a heated , members of a House judiciary subcommittee argued that the U.S. Supreme Court should overturn , a landmark 1982 ruling in a Texas case that guaranteed children a right to a public education, regardless of citizenship status.

“The financial costs of Plyler are undoubtedly staggering, clearly representing a significant burden on localities,” said Texas Republican Rep. Chip Roy, who chaired the hearing. “But it isn’t just fiscal costs we should be worried about. Our nation’s classrooms routinely deal with illegal alien students, many of whom know little to no English and may struggle with other learning disabilities.”

Pointing to Census Bureau figures, a from the subcommittee estimated that educating non-citizen students in U.S. schools costs about $68 billion a year. But during the hearing, Democrats highlighted of providing students access to education, like $633 billion paid in state and local income taxes and contributions to the U.S. economy worth more than $2.7 trillion.

The witnesses included James Rogers, senior counselor with the conservative America First Legal Foundation, who called the Plyler opinion ”egregiously wrong from the start” and an example of judicial overreach. He predicted that the current conservative majority on the court would overturn it if given the opportunity. Republicans in like have proposed legislation to collect students’ immigration status. If one of those bills passes, opponents are expected to challenge it in court.

But Rep. Mary Gay Scanlon of Pennsylvania, the ranking Democrat on the subcommittee, said that excluding undocumented students from school or charging tuition would mean “only certain classes of children whose parents can afford to pay are entitled to the blessings of liberty and the hope of a better future.” 

Thomas Saenz, president and general counsel for the Mexican American Legal Defense and Educational Fund, warned that at a time when chronic absenteeism remains above pre-pandemic levels, non-citizen children wouldn’t be the only ones out of school if the court overturned Plyler.

“It will extend beyond the families to peers and ultimately it will be impossible to enforce truancy laws,” he said. “Any child who doesn’t want to be in school will know to simply say ‘I’m undocumented.’ ”

The ‘bottom line’

For now, most Texas districts want to hang on to as many students as possible.

“When you’re a rural school district, every kid has a big impact on your bottom line,” said Kevin Brown, executive director of the Texas Association of School Administrators. “When you lose five or 10 kids, you have to cut programming. You can’t cut teachers, so you have to start looking for other ways to do it.”

He expects to see a request during next year’s legislative session to allow for some “transition period” before funding drops, but “whether something passes is another question.”

In California, where state funding is based on districts’ average daily attendance, Gov. Gavin Newsom last October that would have added immigration enforcement as one of the emergencies that triggers a waiver of the funding rule. The change was unnecessary, he said.

In Minnesota, districts are still hoping for some relief. On their behalf, a national nonprofit to temporarily suspend a state law that requires districts to drop students from the rolls if they’ve been absent for 15 straight days. The legislation allows exemptions for emergencies.

, in which the Trump administration deployed roughly 4,000 ICE agents to the Minneapolis area, “no doubt qualifies as a calamity that would trigger application of the exemption,” leaders of the National Center for Youth Law wrote to state House and Senate leaders last month. 

Fridley Public Schools, outside Minneapolis, has lost 20 students because of the 15-day rule.��

“Some of our children have been in an apartment for 14 weeks and haven’t been able to leave,” Superintendent Brenda Lewis said on a recent webinar. 

Roughly 100 more have left since the surge, possibly taking advantage of the state’s open enrollment policy to relocate to other districts. The loss means a $1 million hit to the district’s $51 million budget. The district also missed out on $131,000 in meal reimbursements from the federal government because low-income students weren’t in school to eat breakfast and lunch, Lewis said. 

Fridley’s enrollment would have been down another 400 students if the district hadn’t quickly implemented a virtual learning program, Lewis said. But federal agents used the device distribution process to apprehend those they suspected to be undocumented, she said. 

“We had ICE agents arresting people because they knew they were coming for the Chromebooks,” said Lewis, whose district is part of against the Trump administration over its policy of allowing immigration enforcement near schools and other “sensitive” locations. “ICE agents will board your buses. They’ll board your vans. They’ll pull the vehicle over and start interviewing children about immigration status. By interviewing, I mean interrogating.”

‘In-your-face presence’

The Trump administration recently such actions in an effort to end a government shutdown affecting the Department of Homeland Security. Julie Sugarman, who studies immigration policy affecting K-12 schools at the Migration Policy Institute, said a “less-aggressive” approach near school grounds would likely lead some missing students to return. 

“The in-your-face presence absolutely is causing people to stay home,” she said.

The Chicago Public Schools last fall saw steep declines in attendance that coincided with , according to by Kids First Chicago, an advocacy group, and the Coalition for Authentic Community Engagement, representing multiple nonprofits. On Sept. 29, the Monday after enforcement activity began, nearly 14,000 students at schools serving high percentages of Latino students were absent, the report showed. 

The district uses enrollment counts from the early part of the school year to make budget and staffing decisions. If students missed school on those days, or if the district eventually dropped students out for extended periods, those absences could affect funding, explained Hal Woods, chief of policy at Kids First Chicago.

District leaders can only estimate how many undocumented students are entering, or leaving, their schools, and that’s a problem, Mandy Drogin, a senior fellow at the conservative Texas Public Policy Foundation, said in testimony before the House subcommittee. She blamed that warned districts against asking for students’ or parents’ citizenship status for enrollment purposes. 

While many English learners are U.S. citizens, she called out districts under state takeover, like and nearby , which have English learner populations above 30%, according to the state. “Illegal students,” she said, are impacting schools as a whole. 

“Teachers are being forced to … do Google Translate on their phones,” she said. “All of these things obviously impact the total education system, and the taxpayers are left holding the bag.”

Rep. Jamie Raskin, a Maryland Democrat, said immigration enforcement affects all students. He pointed to Willmar, Minnesota, about 150 miles west of the Twin Cities and the site of a Jennie-O turkey plant that employs many . It’s the town where ICE agents in a Mexican restaurant and then returned to detain the owners and a dishwasher. 

In December, as rumors of an ICE raid spread, hundreds of kids, including white students, stayed out of school, Superintendent Bill Adams . 

“I remember walking in the hallways going, ‘Holy God, where are all the kids?’” said a district employee who declined to speak for attribution due to the sensitivity of the topic. “It was eerie.”

In October, Adams said enrollment in the 4,400-student district was down by over 170 students, amounting to a loss of more than $4 million. To make up for some of that gap, the district is it used to teach independent living skills, like cooking and doing the laundry, to older students with disabilities. 

“It’s just hit our community really bad,” the employee said.  

Some, freshly pressed passports in hand, end up in their parents’ country of origin — even when it’s not their own.

Others are sent to live with family or friends while an unlucky number are placed in foster care, their parents’ rights in jeopardy and reunification precarious. 

The teenagers among them are sometimes thrust into a parenting role themselves: This overnight push into adulthood can leave them managing mortgages while their peers are picking prom dresses in the first of many sacrifices, immigrant advocates told The 74. 

“A lot of these older siblings are forgoing college plans and looking for work, trying to figure out how to be mom and dad for their siblings,” said Wendy D. Cervantes, director of immigration and immigrant families for The Center for Law and Social Policy.  

An 18-year-old Texas resident was left without parents or his U.S.-born siblings more than a year ago when his entire family was stopped by federal agents as they were driving to get medical care for his seriously ill sister. All ended up being sent to Mexico. Using the pseudonym Fernando Hernández García, the young man testified before a House and Senate hearing last week that he was forced to give up college in order to work full time to try and keep the family home.

There are measures in place to help families with this unwanted transition. In 2013, U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement issued the , a federal guideline meant to ensure “immigration enforcement activities do not unnecessarily disrupt” parental rights. 

It allowed ICE to consider whether it needed to hold these immigrants. And if they were detained, the directive encouraged the agency to house them near their families so they could participate in child placement hearings. 

The agency was also advised to arrange transportation to and from court or otherwise allow parents or legal guardians to participate in such proceedings by phone or video.

“It required some sort of cooperation between ICE and local child welfare agencies,” Cervantes said. 

But this directive has been under attack for years. It was weakened during the first Trump administration, bolstered in the Biden era and diminished once again when Trump took office for the second time — and launched a mass deportation campaign.

found that the parents of at least 11,000 U.S. citizen children were arrested and detained in the first seven months of Trump’s second term. The news site also determined the Trump administration is per day as did the Biden administration. 

That 11,000 number will have ProPublica reported, if arrests and detentions continued at the same pace in the ensuing months.

The data obtained by ProPublica covers a period up to mid-August 2025. Some of the Trump administration’s most aggressive immigration enforcement sweeps occurred after that in targeted cities, including Chicago, Charlotte, North Carolina, and Minneapolis.  

“I do fear in the months ahead that we could see more instances where kids unnecessarily end up in the child welfare system because of the way ICE has been conducting its raids,” Cervantes said, adding its tactics have been carried out “in a way that really doesn’t give us any assurances they are abiding by their own policy to allow parents to make decisions about what happens to their kids at the time of arrest.”

Families too afraid to reach out

Added to this anxiety, the Department of Homeland Security, which oversees the execution of these and other directives, is in flux. The DHS is now in the second month of a partial government shutdown as congressional Democrats push to rein in the actions of federal immigrant agents and make them more publicly accountable. 

The department is also in the midst of a leadership change: Oklahoma Republican Sen. Markwayne Mullin will replace former Secretary Kristi Noem, who was

Despite concerns about his temperament — a former cage fighter, Mullin once tried to coax a union leader into a physical altercation during a Senate committee hearing — his nomination was .

It’s unclear how Mullin, a 2020 election denier, would wield his authority. But he has said he and recently defended the killing of two Minneapolis residents who protested the government’s immigration enforcement efforts, calling victim Alex Pretti “deranged.” He later said he should not have made the comment, but declined to apologize for it. 

Parents considering their family’s future in the current environment are sure to wonder what comes next as they contemplate the limited tools available to them, including , which allows people subject to immigration enforcement in some states to designate a caretaker for their kids. 

It’s a valuable lever, said Julie Babayeva, supervising attorney with the New York Legal Assistance Group: It goes into effect the moment someone is detained. But many families are reluctant to apply for it, she said. 

“We have been talking to PTAs, schools and community organizations in heavily immigrant communities,” Babayeva said. “It’s just difficult for people to trust this. They think, ‘What if I tell you my phone number and that leads to ICE coming to my house?’ People don’t understand that we’re not giving this information out to anyone, that it is confidential.”

shows 19 million children in the U.S. have at least one immigrant parent and that 1 in 6 — or 9 million school-aged children — live in a household with at least one noncitizen adult. An overwhelming majority of these kids are U.S. citizens. 

A Los Angeles teacher, who asked to remain anonymous because of her own citizenship status, recalled the case of two elementary school-aged children — and a toddler — left with their nearly 80-year-old grandmother, who had to return to work to support them after their parents were taken by ICE. 

Such disruptions inflict enormous psychological and emotional damage on children, she said. 

“They’ve heard the rhetoric of Trump saying he’s going after criminals and though they know that’s not true, they still don’t understand why their parents would be targeted,” she said. 

Roughly were deported in Trump’s first year in office and of the in ICE detention as of February, more than 73% had no criminal convictions. 

Eric Marquez, a teacher at New York City’s ELLIS Preparatory Academy, which serves older, immigrant students, said that from a classroom perspective, what stands out most is that these newcomers often present as remarkably composed. 

“They tend to put on a brave face, adapt quickly on the surface and rarely bring up in conversation the people in their lives who may have been detained or deported,” he said. “There’s often an understatedness to it.”

At the same time, teachers can sometimes see the impact indirectly, including shifts in focus, attendance and energy, he said. 

Ellis Prep’s own Dylan Contreras was among the first high school students to be detained by ICE when he was arrested after a May 2025 court appearance. Held in a Pennsylvania detention center for 10 months, he was and returned to school for the first time March 24.

Immigrant families are not the only ones puzzled and angry over the administration’s tactics. Residents in Springfield, Ohio, worried their Haitian neighbors will be deported because their Temporary Protective Status is in jeopardy, have stepped up to do something about it — in this case, house their children. 

One woman, who asked not to be identified for fear of attracting stirred up by Trump, secured emergency foster care credentials to support kids who might need somewhere safe to stay while they wait for a more permanent placement. The process took eight weeks to complete, she told The 74.

“I am ready for 0 to 18,” she said of the age of children she could take in at a moment’s notice. “I want to keep siblings together.”

A sudden rush of unhoused kids felt imminent earlier this year when Haitians’ protective status was set to expire and word spread that federal immigration agents would soon arrive in Springfield to deport them. After some 600,000 Venezuelans lost their last year, a lawyer representing the group said “hundreds and potentially thousands of Venezuelan nationals (had)

Earlier this month, the Supreme Court prohibited the Trump administration from ending Haitian deportation protections and in the case in late April. 

Separation not easily undone 

Once separated, family reunification can be difficult, notes Gabrielle Oliveira, an associate professor at Harvard’s Graduate School of Education who has studied immigration for years. Bureaucratic hurdles mean it can take months for a U.S. citizen child to get a passport to join their parents in a foreign country. 

Oliveira said, too, some of the children who enter foster care have family eager to shelter them but they won’t step forward because they are too afraid to interact with the government.

These new forms of family separation are among many fears undocumented immigrants face. But it’s not the worst of them, Oliveira and other advocates said: Detention is by far the most frightening prospect. 

“It’s been harder and harder to get in touch with people who are detained,” Oliveira said. “Sometimes months go by and (federal authorities) don’t even tell you where they are. So, parents are even more worried about that than the actual deportation.”

And, she said, limited communication with family makes it challenging to come to a conclusion on child care. 

“You can’t make decisions,” Oliveira said. “You can’t make phone calls. You can’t figure out what the plan is.”

Already, Cervantes said, her office has seen the fallout. 

“We’ve heard about 15- and 16-year-olds living by themselves for several weeks because their parents were detained and they had no idea where they were,” she said. “ICE was not checking to make sure they were OK. These are U.S. citizen kids.”

And there are other, practical issues that make it hard to reunite in a foreign country, Oliveira said, recalling one family trying to meet up in South America. 

“The dad got deported and the mom was here with the kids, and then she was trying to leave and go back to Brazil — but she was nervous that if she went to the airport, she would be arrested,” Oliveira said. 

When children are left with undocumented relatives, it’s nearly impossible for them to leave the United States to deliver the kids to their parents, said Shaina Simenas, co-director for the Young Center’s Technical Assistance Program.

“If you have a young child that is left with another relative who has their own immigration needs, how would you get them to the country of origin?” she said. “We’re working with a lot of families who are from Venezuela, and there are so many challenges even getting Venezuelan passports — or getting flights to Venezuela. And, of course, there is the financial toll of buying international flights and paying for passports and travel documents.”

Simenas believes poor record-keeping on the part of the government means a lack of accountability. 

“ICE doesn’t consistently and reliably identify whether adults are caregivers for children and so that alone makes it harder to track what might have happened to their children after a parent was taken,” she said. 

Many families separated during Trump’s first term have not seen justice, she noted. Nearly 1,000 children were still waiting to reunite with their parents in 2023, according to . 

“For families being separated now,” she said, “I think there are even fewer ways to track them, to be able to support and ensure they have access to reunify.”

That’s how children — all U.S. citizens — and their parents described their treatment by federal immigration agents in accounts delivered in Washington, D.C., Tuesday at a joint House and Senate hearing. 

The teens told lawmakers these encounters have left them unable to sleep, concentrate on school, plan for their future or feel safe in any setting.

“Whenever I hear sirens or I see an officer, my heart starts racing,” said Arnoldo Bazan, 16, who described a violent incident with Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents on Oct. 23, 2025. “I don’t even know when I’ll see my father again. This is not the America I know.”

Neither ICE nor the Department of Homeland Security, which oversees the agency, replied to requests for comment. A Customs and Border Protection spokesperson said they would need more time to respond.

Bazan said he was assaulted by ICE agents on his way to school with his father last fall when they stopped at a McDonald’s to celebrate him making a varsity team. Just then, Bazan said, a car with tinted windows and flashing lights pulled them over. 

Soon, multiple unmarked vehicles approached. 

“Armed men with masks jumped out and started banging on the windows,” Bazan said. “They never identified themselves or explained why we were stopped. We didn’t know who these men were. I started recording on my phone. One of the unmarked cars rammed into our car multiple times. I even felt our car lift.”

Agents grabbed his father and Bazan ran to help. 

“One officer put me in a choke hold and told me, ‘You’re done,’” the boy said, taking short breaks to compose himself. “His grip was so tight, I wondered if I would even make it out alive. With all of my strength, I screamed that I was underage and from the United States. When the officers finally stopped, I began telling everybody who could hear me that these officers had tried to flip our car, and that I had proof of my phone.”

Federal agents confiscated his cell, he testified. 

“The officer put me and my dad in the car,” Bazan said. “They mocked us. They told me that I was gay for crying, an illegal, an illegal idiot, a border hopper, and other demeaning words.”

Bazan said the officers drove them to his house where he and his father, who was subsequently deported to Mexico, “prayed for one last time. I tried to hug him, but he couldn’t hug me back because he was handcuffed.”

He said his backpack was returned but not his phone and when he traced it, it turned up inside a kiosk that sells electronics. Bazan said local police told him they couldn’t take any action against federal officers.

Bazan, who suffered a neck injury, was taken to the hospital that day and given morphine for his pain, he said. He told the committee his body ached after the incident, that he couldn’t sleep and missed school.

He was one of three teens who spoke at the forum called by Democratic Sen. Richard Blumenthal, ranking member of the Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations, and U.S. Rep. Robert Garcia, the ranking Democrat on the House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform. 

“Our efforts to document and elevate the stories of this regime’s heartless actions against children will continue, and we know that there are thousands more stories to be told,” Blumenthal said at the start, thanking the students and their parents for speaking and remarking on their bravery.  

The lawmakers released a minority staff report Tuesday entitled , saying it documents the cases of “128 children who have been injured, left unattended, or otherwise put at direct risk of harm due to operations of the Department of Homeland Security.”

Their action comes amid Democrats’ ongoing campaign to curtail federal immigration agents. They’re refusing to fund DHS, which is now in the second month of a partial government shutdown, until reforms and greater public accountability are put in place.

An 18-year-old, who used the pseudonym Fernando Hernández García, said he has been living on his own for more than a year after his parents were deported to Mexico —��taking his medically fragile U.S.-born sister with them. The girl cannot access treatment there because she is not a Mexican citizen, her brother said.��

Garcia, recalling their apprehension, said it all began when the little girl woke up and said her head hurt. 

“My parents took this very seriously because the year before, she had an emergency surgery to remove a tumor,” Garcia said. “My parents and my five siblings got in the car and drove from South Texas to Houston so she could see a specialist at Texas Children’s Hospital. On the way, government officials stopped them at a checkpoint and deported everyone — even though my parents told them about my sister’s condition, even though my siblings are U.S. citizens.”

Garcia wasn’t with them, but his family had made this same trip many times before President Donald Trump took office for the second time and had no problems, he said: They’d present the girl’s proof of citizenship and a letter from the hospital explaining her medical needs and would be on their way. 

“When I heard the news I couldn’t breathe,” the teen said. “I didn’t know what I was going to do. My mom worried about me returning to our home in South Texas alone, but I had to finish high school and I wanted to make sure I could do everything in my power to stay on top of the bills and keep the home my mom and dad had sacrificed so much for.”

Garcia had planned to attend college but instead spends all of his time working.

“I can’t think about the things my peers are doing because I honestly can’t relate,” he said. “The situation is a nightmare that I can’t wake up from.”

His family already missed his high school graduation, a milestone he thought they’d share.  

“If my parents were still here, they would have pushed me to go to college, to dream big, and they would have helped me to make it happen,” he said. 

Michelle Ramirez Sanan, 18 and from Chelsea, Massachusetts, plans to attend college in the fall, but said Tuesday that memories of her family’s ICE encounter have left her shaken and distracted. 

Sanan was restrained by federal agents after her mother and autistic 13-year-old brother, also a U.S. citizen, were dragged from their car while in their neighborhood and detained Sept. 26, 2025. 

Officers arrested Sanan’s 50-year old mother, who has legal status and has lived in the U.S. for more than 20 years. The teen, in her emotional testimony, recalled coming upon the scene. 

“My brother was crying next to my mom who was being pushed against the fence in handcuffs,” she said. “Most ICE officers were wearing masks. I could see they had guns.”

Sanan said she tried to run to them but was stopped by a federal agent. 

“My brother doesn’t speak very much because of his disability,” she said. “He doesn’t know how to explain that he’s an American citizen. I tried to protect him by yelling out, ‘My brother has autism’, but instead of helping him, the ICE officer kept blocking me and told me to shut up.”

Sanan, who has asthma, said she had trouble breathing. 

“Since that day, I have had a harder time focusing in school, taking care of myself, and managing my anxiety,” she said. “I have had trouble sleeping and headaches. I was so excited to enjoy my senior year before starting a new chapter in college. But now I spend so much of my time wondering why this happened to us.”

Educators recognize students’ pain. Zena Stenvik is the superintendent of Columbia Heights Public Schools, which serves 3,400 children just north of Minneapolis, Minnesota. 

Among her charges is 5-year-old , who galvanized national opposition to Trump’s immigration crackdown after he was photographed in a blue bunny hat, wearing a Spiderman backpack, being detained by federal agents in January with his father.  

Liam languished in Texas’s for more than a week before he was released. He and his family, who hail from Ecuador, had their asylum claims denied this month and are now on a . 

The impact of DHS’s Operation Metro Surge on her students has been profound, Stenvik said: Seven have been detained, including at Dilley, and all six who have returned came back sick — and emotionally frayed. 

“We are seeing increased separation anxiety with students struggling to be apart from their parents during the school day,” she said. “We’re seeing heightened difficulty with transitions: One student who was detained in Texas now experiences distress when leaving the classroom to go to art or gym class. He reported that separation from their trusted teacher and classroom removes a sense of safety. We’re also seeing increased stress responses, such as fight, flight, freeze among students who experienced direct or indirect trauma.”

Some of the impacted children, one parent said, are very young. Anabel Romero, a mother of four who was born and raised in Idaho, described a shocking attack on Hispanic residents in Wilder, Idaho, on . 

Romero, her stepson and her three children, ages 14, 8 and 6, were among hundreds of people watching horse races that Sunday when they spotted a helicopter in the sky. A medical worker, Romero thought someone had been injured and it was there to help. 

“But then I saw people running and screaming, terrified,” she said. “Men in military style gear stormed in with weapons at the ready. The first thing I did was call my daughter and tell her not to get out of the truck and to take care of her brother and sister. I ran and hid in one of the horse stalls.” 

Armed men grabbed and beat Romero, she said, punching her in the head and kicking her. 

“One of them threatened to blow my head off,” she testified. “I couldn’t breathe, and they zip tied me in the back. After that, they brought me up and I told them I needed to get to my children. One of them actually laughed and said they were taking better care of them than I was.”

Her eldest daughter was also thrown on the ground, zip tied and suffered bruises all along her sides. Her two youngest were taken from the truck at gunpoint, she said. 

“They were alone and terrified,” Romero said. “When my children were with me, I couldn’t comfort them. They were crying and I was still zip tied in the back with no answers for why I was being detained.”

Her oldest daughter started having a panic attack, she said. 

“I feared she might hurt herself if she fainted,” Romero said. “I asked them to zip tie her in the front. They did, but she was still having a panic attack. We waited like that zip tied and scared for three hours… They herded us like cattle and tied us up so that ICE could check everyone’s immigration status. Hundreds of people were at this family event — grandparents, infants.”

Her children are still suffering, Romero said.  

“That day completely changed our lives,” she said. “Our sense of safety and security was demolished.”

The committee heard, too, from Adreina Mejia from Arleta, California. She and her special needs 15-year-old son were separated, held at gunpoint and handcuffed by immigration agents outside of a local high school.

The agents had mistaken her boy for another child, she said. 

“The person who was with me just told my son, ‘Oh, we just confused you with somebody else, but look at the bright side, you’re gonna have an exciting story to tell your friends when you go back to school,’” she said. 

The incident has not left her son, Mejia said. 

“He will wake up crying,” his mother said. “He sees cars with tinted windows and he’s scared. He told me, ‘Mom, is it them?’” 

Growing fears about  — and confusion over federal “public charge” rules that can affect green card and visa applications — are prompting some California families to retreat from child care and early education programs, even when their children qualify.

Under federal immigration law, officials can deny green card and visa applications if they determine the applicant is likely to rely heavily on government assistance. Although many benefits cannot be considered for purposes of the “public charge” rule, advocates say many families avoid social service programs altogether out of an abundance of caution.

 in November by the current administration would repeal a 2022 rule that advocates say provided significant clarity on when the rule applies. During the previous Trump administration, the government made  what could be considered “public charge.” Even after those changes were rescinded, fears persist.

Advocates say the fear and confusion that are already impacting families could be far-reaching for a state like California, where it is estimated that nearly 1.1 million children have at least one parent who is undocumented, according to the . More than half of those children are U.S. citizens and over 250,000 under the age of 5.

“With public charge there’s a level of anxiety around signing up for public benefit programs, submitting information, and/or scrutiny that may be increased and make people uncomfortable because of whatever the public rhetoric may be or the perception that it creates risk,” said Stacy Lee, chief learning officer and senior managing director of early childhood at the nonprofit Children Now.

She noted that many child care providers are uniquely positioned to support families because they are not only aware of the impact of immigration raids, but many have also developed trust with immigrant families who might be confused about proposed policy changes.

While public charge does not apply to U.S. citizen children and affects only specific types of immigration cases, many families, including those with mixed citizenship status, still withdraw from public benefits programs out of fear that participation would jeopardize their residency or protection from deportation, advocates say.

“Even when I was representing clients as an immigration attorney and I would tell them 100% that I was sure they were not going to be affected, that their case was exempt from public charge, sometimes they just still wouldn’t [enroll in public programs] because the fear is so severe,” said Liza Davis, advocacy director at The Children’s Partnership.

What is the current policy on ‘public charge’?

The  affirms that the public charge test is used only in specific immigration cases and does not apply to a  of people, including asylum seekers, U.S. citizen children of undocumented immigrants and lawful permanent residents applying for citizenship.

“A public charge only shows up when you are an individual that is submitting an application for a very specific form of relief, which a lot of people don’t qualify for,” Davis confirmed.

Additionally, only  of certain benefit programs are considered.

Depending on a person’s specific immigration situation, cash assistance programs like CalWORKS could be considered for public charge tests. CalWORKs is California’s version of the federal Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF), which many families rely on for benefits such as child care, stable access to food and other basic necessities, like diapers.

Davis encourages families to seek accurate information and assistance. She says concerns about public charge often spread by word-of-mouth among applicants who may be comparing cases without properly accounting for the complexity of the immigration system, which includes many different types of applications with varying rules.

“We’re not able to anticipate what will happen in a different administration, but if this need is absolutely essential for you and you qualify for it right now, then you should really consider taking the help because it’s so important to the well-being of the children in your household,” Davis said she advises families.

Further exacerbating the issue is the lack of definitive certainty on whether and when rules related to public charge may change.

“Public charge has just been historically weaponized,” and different federal administrations have either made or proposed changes, leaving a sense of instability,” said Davis. “The ebb and flow, the unknown of it, and the fact that we can’t say ‘this is not going to change’ — there is no guarantee.”

How child care providers can support immigrant families with young children

Lee from Children Now says that home-visiting programs, which provide parenting support in a young child’s home, are one way to keep families accurately informed about anticipated changes to their benefits and how they can remain connected to social services.

“The standout has been families who have access to home visiting have someone they can trust, that they can ask questions to,” Lee said. “They can talk to their home visitor, who can explain to them what’s going on, what’s real, what’s not real. It’s hard to navigate what’s actually happening versus what’s just a lot of aggressive words or what’s being held up in courts.”

In 2025, about 18,200 children from over 17,000 families in California received home visiting services, according to the . It is estimated that nearly 2.6 million children from nearly 2 million families in the state would benefit from home visiting services.

What is the latest proposed change?

The latest proposed change would mostly repeal the 2022 rule clarifying when public charge applies, but does not offer regulations to replace existing rules. Advocates argue that the lack of clarity can lead families to disenroll or avoid eligible public benefits.

The administration acknowledges that changes to public charge rules between 2019 and 2022, “heightened fears among immigrant families about participating in programs and seeking services, such as health coverage and care.”

The current proposal, filed by former Department of Homeland Security secretary Kristi Noem, also recognizes the far-reaching impact of families withdrawing from public services out of fear. “DHS has determined that the rule may decrease disposable income and increase the poverty of certain families and children, including U.S. citizen children. DHS continues to believe that the benefits of the action justify the financial impact on the family.”

Dylan Lopez Contreras, the first New York City public school student detained by federal immigration officials during President Donald Trump’s second term, was released Tuesday night after spending 10 months in federal custody, according to his mother and his legal team.

Dylan, now 21, was a student at ELLIS Preparatory Academy, a Bronx school geared toward older, newly arrived immigrant students, and his arrest was one of the highest-profile early examples of an in immigration enforcement last year in which officers arrested immigrants in the hallways of federal court following their legal hearings. arrest.

Kristin Kepplinger, a spokesperson from the New York Legal Assistance Group, which had been representing Dylan in his immigration court case and federal habeas corpus lawsuit, said the reason for his release wasn’t yet clear, as they had yet to review his release documents.

His legal team was thankful to Mayor Zohran Mamdani’s administration and to the office of U.S. Sen. Chuck Schumer who’d been advocating for his release, Kepplinger added.

Dylan’s federal habeas corpus petition was denied. An immigration judge also , but his lawyers appealed.

A spokesperson for the Department of Homeland Security didn’t respond to a request for comment on Dylan’s release.

A native of Venezuela, Dylan first entered the country in 2024 through a program under former President Joe Biden that allowed migrants to make appointments to cross the border and seek asylum.

Dylan’s arrest quickly earned local and national attention, prompting former Mayor Eric Adams’ administration to file an amicus brief seeking his release, along with rallies and calls from national elected officials. Last month, Dylan’s mother, Raiza Contreras, attended the State of the Union with Sen. Chuck Schumer.

““[I’m] emotional,” Raiza told Chalkbeat in a brief interview Wednesday in Spanish. “I’m grateful to God first and foremost and to all the people who were present in this case.”

Gov. Kathy Hochul that she mentioned Dylan’s name in a recent meeting with Trump’s border czar, Tom Homan.

Mamdani said the city was “overjoyed” by Dylan’s release.

“Throughout this injustice, Dylan has shown remarkable strength, resilience, and courage,” the mayor said in a statement.

Even as federal immigration enforcement swept up other city students — some of whom subsequently — Dylan remained in custody in Western Pennsylvania for nearly a year. In a September , he described the frustration and depression of having his life put on hold.

Norma Vega, the principal of ELLIS, where staffers and helped coordinate legal and other forms of support for the family, said she believes the sustained public campaign for Dylan’s release paid off.

“It confirmed for me we did the right thing,” she said. “Keeping him in the public eye, he became the face of every immigrant youth across the country.”

She added: “It was about this kid who they [the federal government] inaccurately thought was alone … and how important it was for us to let them know he’s not alone.”

Chalkbeat is a nonprofit news site covering educational change in public schools.

was originally reported by Barbara Rodriguez of .

Dr. Lara Jones still remembers her visceral reaction to the image of Liam Ramos. It wasn’t the most famous one, of with ICE officers behind him. It was one from days later, of Liam while both were in custody in Texas.

“He looked pale, he looked sickly. He looked like a completely different child,” she said. “When I saw that image, my doctor brain turned on. I was like, this kid is sick. He needs medical attention.”

Jones, who is double board-certified in pediatrics and pediatric critical care medicine, can quickly assess a lot based on a child’s appearance.

“I can tell in the first 10 seconds that I look at you from the door, before I even put my hands on you, before I put a stethoscope on your chest — I can look at you, and I can know right away, you are going to be fine, or you are really sick and you need attention,” she added. “He looked very sick.”

Jones couldn’t sleep that night. Liam’s well-being consumed her while at work the next day at a California hospital. After a round of patient visits, she went into a private room and “broke down and cried.” She needed to do something.

Since then, Jones has become part of — all pediatricians, all mothers — in immigration detention out of concern for their health. They warn that the detention of these children is causing severe and lasting harm to their mental and physical health, and say that of kids allegedly facing delayed and inadequate medical care under DHS demands urgency and transparency.

“We are traumatizing children, and we are putting them in dangerous environments,” Jones said.

These doctors are in detention, to help families in need of emergency assistance and to demand accountability so that children who remain in custody receive evidence-based standards of care.

“We are mothers of young children, and we are doing all of this in between shifts, after working night shifts, during nap time,” Jones said. “We are just doing as much as we can, in the time that we have, while we are working full time and being full-time moms.”

Just weeks ago, Jones and the other women — Dr. Ashley Marie Cozzo of Connecticut and Dr. Anita K. Patel of Washington, D.C. — did not know each other personally. Now they’re in contact daily through a group text that pings at all hours of the day. They use the chat to think through advocacy ideas, to troubleshoot potential challenges and to align their priorities.

“We’re trying to figure out every day in our brainstorming, ‘What’s next? What’s next?’” said Cozzo, who is double board-certified in pediatrics and neonatal-perinatal medicine. “I love a group project, and this is such a unique situation.”

Patel, who is double board-certified in pediatrics and pediatric critical care medicine, said the quick camaraderie among the women has “reinvigorated” her after years of online campaigns around unrelated advocacy issues.

“You have three critical care doctors for kids, and there are certain qualities inherent in pediatric critical care specialists — we will not stop until we have either saved a kid or we know that there is no chance of saving them,” she said. “We all have that personality, because literally that’s what we do in our jobs.”

Liam’s story propelled their cause. As the image of Liam seemingly in a lethargic state ricocheted across the internet, the women shared their outrage with medical peers. Jones and Cozzo circulated a small online petition calling for Liam to be returned home, and amid the national outcry, . (The Ecuadorian family has an active asylum case, and it’s unclear for now whether they will be able to permanently stay in the United States.)

The doctors then connected with Patel, and the three agreed to work together to bring more awareness to other children in detention. Patel said the power of imagery catapulted Liam’s story.

“If he was an older kid, or even if he was Liam without the bunny hat — the outcry may not have come,” Patel said. “And all I could think was Liam deserved that outcry, and every single kid in detention needs that outcry.”

The trio has fixated on the Dilley Immigration Processing Center, the facility near San Antonio that houses families, in part because they are in frequent communication with a journalist, Lidia Terrazas, on people impacted by detention.

When Terrazas highlighted in early February the story of a 2-month-old baby named Juan Nicolás, the case crystallized the doctors’ urgency. The boy had been in respiratory distress while at Dilley, but had allegedly received delayed care as his condition worsened. He was sent by ambulance to a hospital on February 16, according to Patel, after an unresponsive episode where detention officials could not wake him. DHS later deported the baby, his mother and other family members, including a 16-month-old, to Mexico.

Jones was able to connect by text with Mireya López Sánchez, Juan Nicolás’ mother. The postpartum mother said that her milk had dried up while at Dilley. Patel is still nursing her toddler; the parallels — the universal urge a mother has to feed her baby — linger for her.

When Patel nurses her own child, “I think of Mireya, whose milk dried up because she was so stressed and nutritionally deficient that she couldn’t breastfeed, and then when she couldn’t breastfeed, then she couldn’t afford clean water that wasn’t brown or smelled like chlorine to make formula.”

, which has partnered with the doctors to raise money for commissary funds, detainees at Dilley have to spend $40 to buy a four-pack of large water bottles and $35 for a 12-pack of small water bottles.

A spokesperson for DHS did not respond to a request for comment from The 19th, but the agency of malnourished or mistreated children and claims people in detention have access to medical care and adequate food. Emergency crews were called to the facility at least 11 times since September for children with symptoms including bronchitis, respiratory distress and fever, .

CoreCivic, a private company that runs the Dilley facility, deferred questions to DHS but that claims of inadequate medical care are inaccurate and “directly contradicted by the comprehensive, around-the-clock care delivered by our licensed physicians, dentists, advanced practice providers, nurses and mental health professionals.”

Jones doesn’t buy that when it comes to Juan Nicolás, whose mother reportedly told officials that her newborn was having difficulty breathing and was vomiting. Mireya said that instead of being seen by a medical professional, guards at the facility monitored the newborn for two days before he was sent to the hospital in distress.

“I don’t know what they were assessing, but they’re not assessing it through the lens of a pediatric expert,” Jones said. “They’re not doing the appropriate medical workup. So that case alone is proof of delayed care and denied appropriate care, because the appropriate care for a 2-month-old with difficulty breathing and vomiting is to go to the emergency department.”

Cozzo noted that several children died in 2018 and 2019 while in immigration , or . In 2023, — reportedly after her mother repeatedly sought medical care for her.

“We have a precedent of the highest degree of loss: children’s lives,” Cozzo said. “It has happened before, the things that these women are worried about — it’s only going to be a matter of time before we don’t learn from the mistakes of the past and another child dies.”

As the doctors circulated Juan Nicolás’ story online, they connected to help . They also helped secure a hotel room for Juan Nicolás’s family amid their deportation to Mexico. They are now raising money . As they hear of specific cases, including those of and , they try to spring into action by either raising public awareness or funds.

The medical community has long expressed alarm about how children’s health can deteriorate in immigration detention. concluded that children’s mental health suffers and there’s a cascade of ripple effects, including anxiety disorders, depression and developmental regression and delays. The issue has been examined , with similar outcomes.

There are also standards of care for immigrant children in detention, and states that children should not be detained for more than 20 days. But that some children are being held in detention for much longer — weeks or months. The publication estimated at the time that at least 3,800 children under 18 had been booked into ICE since President Donald Trump, who campaigned on mass deportation, returned to office. More than 1,300 children were held last year for longer than 20 days.

The American Academy of Pediatrics (AAP) has its call for limited exposure of children in DHS facilities. Dr. Sural Shah is chair of AAP’s Council on Immigrant Child and Family Health. She said the council, which was very responsive during the first Trump administration’s family separation policy, has been accelerating its work in recent months.

“We’re always active, always sharing information. But the era that we’re in now — it’s been a heightened sense of need, of urgency, of hey, this is happening, and we need to do something about it,” she said. “We need to figure out how to band together, how to lift up voices, how to gather health care professionals and folks that care about children’s health to stop these practices because they’re so harmful to children.”

Shah added that she’s not surprised that pediatricians are leading organic advocacy efforts.

“It is something that is deeply woven into the fabric of who pediatricians are,” she said. “We have a deep understanding of the range of factors that affect children and their families.”

Over the past few weeks, the trio of doctors began drafting and circulating a letter, which was later signed by thousands of medical professionals, to be sent to DHS officials and several key senators with roles in immigration enforcement oversight. , dated February 26, alleges unsanitary detention conditions and inadequate access to food and clean water. It also expresses concerns of a measles outbreak within the Dilley facility. Infants are typically too young to be vaccinated against measles.

Kristi Noem’s ouster as head of DHS last Wednesday doesn’t alter the demand for accountability, said Cozzo.

“I actually don’t necessarily think that changing the face changes anything, because it’s just a complete system that is broken,” she said.

All three agreed that the letter is a start.

“This letter is day one of a marathon,” said Patel, who was a guest of Democratic Rep. Joaquin Castro at the recent State of the Union address, with the goal of elevating the issue. “The point of the letter was to clearly and succinctly as possible, dictate what has been documented as known medical negligence or medical harm or human rights violations.”

They want to grow public pressure while helping as many children and their families as possible. Jones said their advocacy is about the health and well-being of children. She doesn’t see that as political.

“This is an issue about child welfare,” she said. “I feel like if we can continue to stand our ground about the fact that we are causing preventable, measurable, well-studied, predictable harm to children that is not justified. There’s no context in which that is justified, and so I think we just have to continue to get that message across — to the public, to lawmakers. There will be challenges at every step of the way, no doubt, but I think the truth and what’s right is on our side.”

A bill requiring Tennessee public schools to gather data on student immigration status and report it to the state education department advanced out of a House legislative committee Tuesday.

The bill () was introduced last year as part of a Republican effort to challenge Supreme Court precedent requiring public schools to enroll all children regardless of immigration status. As originally introduced,�� the bill would have allowed Tennessee public school districts to refuse to enroll immigrant students who could not provide proof of legal status – or charge their families tuition.

But the controversial measure stalled, in part due to concerns it could jeopardize more than $1.1 billion in federal education funding.

House Majority Leader William Lamberth, a Portland Republican who sponsored the measure, told a legislative committee Tuesday the bill in its amended form is now “literally a data bill” to give state leaders reliable information on the number of students without legal immigration status enrolled in taxpayer funded schools. Provisions allowing schools to deny enrollment or charge tuition have been stripped from the bill.

But opponents of the measure, among them educators, immigrant advocates and Democratic lawmakers, have questioned how the data will ultimately be used, how educators untrained in immigration law can reliably review complex immigration documentation and how the specter of being asked to produce immigration paperwork in schools would impact children and families.

Lamberth last week deflected questions about the ultimate use of student immigration data, which the legislation specifies would be reported to the state in aggregate, non-identifying formats.

“We can take whatever action down the road that this body would choose to take,” after the data was gathered, he said then.

A statement Tuesday from Lisa Sherman Luna, executive director of TIRRC Votes, raised continued alarms about the ultimate goal of student immigration status data gathering. TIRRC is the political arm of the Tennessee Immigrant & Refugee Rights Coalition.

“Across history, we’ve seen the dangers of governments making and keeping lists of the people that they think don’t belong,” the statement said.

“But rather than learn from our past, these power-hungry politicians, desperate for Trump’s approval, are doubling down on their efforts to identify and track immigrant students in the hopes of one day being able to exclude them from our schools.”

The bill is cosponsored by Sen. Bo Watson, a Hixson Republican. The full senate passed the bill in its original form in April but has yet to take it up in its amended form this year. The House and Senate versions of the bill would have to be reconciled before the legislation could ultimately advance to the governor’s desk.

is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Tennessee Lookout maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Holly McCall for questions: info@tennesseelookout.com.

That afternoon, agents appeared in front of at least two nearby elementary schools, reportedly waiting for parents to pick up their children, “and at one point they were looking into kindergarten classroom windows and just scaring the living daylights out of the children,” said the director, who asked not to be identified to protect the children she serves. “They have guns, they have rifles. They look scary.”

Helicopters also flew overhead at a circling as kids paraded through the streets in their costumes, according to stories collected from Illinois Head Start families on how the Trump administration’s immigration crackdown in their state last fall affected them.

Earlier on the 31st, the Illinois director said she had gotten word through phone calls and Signal channels that Immigration and Customs Enforcement officers had flooded the area, she told The 74. A family on their way to enroll their young daughter in an early learning center that shares space with her Head Start program was stopped a block or so away at a major intersection. The father was detained in front of his wife and child, she said.

A dozen Head Start associations representing more than 100,000 children across the country, including the one in Illinois, sent a letter to Congress Tuesday demanding that immigration agents be barred from entering Head Start, child care and pre-K classrooms and premises, including parking lots. 

For nearly three decades, that was a largely accepted practice: Immigration enforcement was prohibited in and around schools, hospitals, places of worship and other so-called sensitive locations. 

One of the first things President Donald Trump did at the start of his second term in January 2025 was . Reinstating those constraints is now one of at least meant to rein in ICE enforcement that congressional Democrats say they need in order to support long-term Department of Homeland Security funding and end the partial government shutdown that is

Their conditions were outlined in a signed by the House and Senate Democratic minority leaders, U.S. Rep. Hakeem Jeffries and Sen. Chuck Schumer, and include more widely publicized rules, such as prohibiting agents from covering their faces with masks and mandating visible displays of identification. 

This week’s entreaty from the Head Start associations echoes those congressional demands. The early learning groups also urged federal lawmakers to ban DHS agents from interfering with school drop-off or pickup at their programs, including at bus stops, citing another incident in Chicago where a father was his two young kids to school. They were left in the back of the car alone.

“Across the country, children are being harmed by immigration enforcement actions,” the letter reads. “Head Start programs report that children are experiencing changes in behavior and exhibiting signs of fear and anxiety. Families are missing work, keeping their children home, and facing housing and food insecurity.”

Last Thursday, Senate Democrats blocked a spending bill , extending the shutdown and demonstrating they remained firm in their demands.

That same day marked a major change in the department’s increasingly unpopular leadership, with Trump Secretary of Homeland Security Kristi Noem. The move followed questions about her handling of department spending as well as mounting criticism around her response to the deadly ICE shootings of two American citizens at protests in Minneapolis earlier this year. 

Trump announced his plan to nominate Oklahoma Republican Sen. Markwayne Mullin as her replacement, though his new pick does not seem to signal any planned shift in enforcing the president’s mass deportation agenda. 

‘Safer but not safe’

Policy limiting immigration enforcement near schools, hospitals and churches was formally introduced in the early days of the Clinton administration through a

In the decades since, similar policies have been modified, clarified or codified by presidents from both parties. In 2011, near the end of President Barack Obama’s first term, his administration formally expanded the policy, which was then further clarified under President Joe Biden in 2021.

Trump’s January directive marked a significant departure from these largely bipartisan, long-standing rules, including during his own first term, when DHS issued a saying they would continue to follow sensitive location protocol. 

According to a DHS the policy Trump put forth in his second term was instituted to prevent “criminal aliens — including murders [sic] and rapists” from being “able to hide in America’s schools and churches to avoid arrest.” Some more stringent guardrails have since been reinstated for places of worship, but not for schools or early learning centers.

Providers in Illinois — and across the country — argue this scenario only serves to traumatize children and make their educational spaces less safe.

“We’ve had kids that aren’t coming anymore because they’re too afraid to come to school,” said Kelly Neidel, the executive director of a different Head Start agency in Illinois, which also provides wraparound services to families. “Our food pantry [has] declined. So these people are making a choice … to eat or potentially get picked up.”

In April 2025, a number of organizations filed a lawsuit in Oregon, challenging Trump’s new edict and in September, they were joined by , including staff and parents from a preschool.

In February, the country’s two largest teachers unions filed an , citing an incident in Oregon in which agents smashed in the car window of a father dropping his child off at a day care, as well as students and teachers at Minneapolis’s Roosevelt High School being assaulted with tear gas in the aftermath of the fatal shooting of Renee Good.

While advocates and providers are hopeful that a forthcoming DHS bill will include a reinstatement of sensitive location protections, some argue it wouldn’t go far enough. 

The Illinois Head Start director, who went out patrolling on Halloween to protect families and kids, said now that she’s seen what federal immigration agents are capable of, it would make her feel “safer but not safe.”

“It might deter them from coming, but would it deter all of them?” she asked. “I don’t know. I honestly cannot answer that question. I cannot answer confidently that they would not enter even if that order was in place.”

Wendy Cervantes, a director at The Center for Law and Social Policy, is helping to lead the charge on federal legislation, which would codify sensitive location policies into law, significantly strengthening their power.

, introduced in the House in February 2025, would prohibit immigration enforcement actions within 1,000 feet of such places, except in certain extreme circumstances. If an officer violated these rules, any resulting information wouldn’t be admissible in court and the targeted person could move to terminate any resulting removal proceedings. 

Since early January, the bill has gained 33 co-sponsors in the House and four in the Senate, meaning over two-thirds of the Democratic caucus is officially in support. It has also been endorsed by over across the country. No Republicans have signed on.��

Some states, including Illinois, have passed their own bills over the past year, but because they have to align with federal policy, they’re largely aimed at providing guidance and setting protocols for how local entities should address ICE. 

“It would make a huge difference to have this done at the federal level,” Cervantes said.

‘A horrendous day’

The Illinois director of programs, who funds centers across a metropolitan area in the state, said that from day one of the second Trump administration she felt a significant shift in the federal approach to early childhood learning. In addition to increased ICE enforcement, her Head Start classrooms — along with thousands of others across the nation — experienced delays in funding that threatened to shutter them. 

Once their grant came through, she and her colleagues had to wade through the realities of operating under the administration’s diversity, equity and inclusion ban, which threatened the core of their work, she said.

Things escalated in September after a father of two, was shot and killed during a highly publicized ICE traffic stop in nearby Franklin Park, Illinois. He had just dropped off one of his children at a Head Start classroom.

“We knew they would eventually be coming our way,” she said, and early learning centers across the region began to prepare. 

That reality hit the morning of Oct. 31 — “a horrendous day” she said, which filled her with fear and made her cry tears of anger. 

And the fear has not subsided, she said, for the families she serves, the staff she employs or for herself. As the child of immigrants and a woman of color, she’s started carrying her passport.

Mirroring steps taken by other early childhood providers in Illinois, images of fake and real warrants have now been posted at the front doors of her centers so staff can differentiate, along with a script of what to say should an ICE agent approach. Head Start Parent Council meetings have moved to Zoom so parents who fear leaving their homes can still remain involved, and centers have organized food drop-offs. 

Programs have installed incident commanders and some have hired security details. Others have their own staff standing guard, but directors fear for their safety too, since many are immigrants themselves.

In November, ICE agents chased one day care worker into the center where she worked in Chicago’s North Side neighborhood. She was in front of children, and subsequently arrested. She was a week later after a federal judge ruled her arrest was illegal because she wasn’t given a preliminary bond hearing.

Volunteer rapid response teams have formed across Illinois to alert providers of nearby ICE activity. In one incident, they were called to stand guard during a field trip to a children’s museum where ICE was “hot and heavy,” according to Lauri Morrison-Frichtl, the executive director of the Illinois Head Start Association, which advocates for all state providers.

“Last fall was terrible,” she said. “I cried every day.” 

“Our ask is keep ICE out of Head Start [and] early Head Start classrooms, facilities, our playgrounds, our parking lots and not interfere in our work or our day-to-day,” she added. “Families need safe spaces to send children … making our facilities safe when ICE is surrounding them is really hard.”

The apprehensions and removals occurred in a 10-month period between Jan. 1 and Nov. 19, 2025, according to figures released by DHS in response to a query from Illinois Democratic Sen. Dick Durbin.

It reveals for the first time that this group, who were granted protected status during the Obama administration and whose fate has been the subject of ongoing litigation, have been swept up by President Donald Trump’s aggressive immigration enforcement. 

It’s unclear whether more have been detained or deported since November, a period of time that saw immigration sweeps in Charlotte, North Carolina, New Orleans and Minneapolis.

DACA recipients took a chance when they registered their biometric data with the government starting in 2012 as part of the application process. Immigrant advocates say they are sickened to see this information used against them in a campaign that has brought chaos, terror and, in some cases, death, to U.S. cities.

“As someone who worked in those early days of the DACA program to ease fears and encourage youth to apply, it breaks my heart to see the trust they put into the process betrayed more than a decade later,” said Wendy Cervantes, a director at The Center for Law and Social Policy. “It’s simply wrong, like setting a trap for young people who have grown up here and have done everything possible to be able to remain in the country they call home.”

DACA recipients are lawfully present in the United States during the period of deferred action and also receive work authorization, although this right is . In multiple states, DACA recipients have under the Affordable Care Act — and in some places no longer qualify for

Nearly had obtained lawful permanent resident status as of March 31, 2024, according to the Congressional Research Service. Some have DACA status. There were active DACA recipients as of December 31, 2024. 

Alejandra Vázquez Baur, a fellow at The Century Foundation, a progressive think tank, called the government’s targeting of DACA recipients shameful, saying it reflects a greater, solvable problem.  

“It underscores the importance of providing a path to citizenship for DACA recipients as their protections were temporary and insufficient in the first place,” she said. “Immigrants — all immigrants — deserve dignity. Congress can and must restore that dignity to the system in the face of such abuses of power as we’ve seen in the last year under this administration.”

including Trump, who has . Yet a path to citizenship remains elusive for this group. Last summer, DHS urged DACA recipients to . 

Juliana Macedo do Nascimento, a DACA recipient and deputy director of federal advocacy for United We Dream, said the government’s reversal is devastating. 

“This is obviously unacceptable, unconscionable and a betrayal of the promises made by the U.S. government,” she said. “DACA is a lawful program that does provide legal protection from detention and deportation which has been , no matter what this current administration says.” 

DHS, in its to Durbin, said that of the 261 DACA recipients arrested, 241 had “criminal histories.” Trump has said he is targeting “the worst of the worst” for deportation, but records show less than 14% of those arrested by ICE in his first year back in office had

DHS said, too, in its letter, that DACA does not offer protection from deportation.  

“DACA, like all forms of deferred action, is a temporary forbearance from removal within the authority of the Secretary of Homeland Security,” the letter states. “It comes with no right or entitlement to remain in the United States indefinitely. Aliens with certain criminal histories will not be considered for DACA. Further, those who violate the terms are also subject to termination and removal.”

But immigrant advocates say the government is not acting in good faith. 

“There is a process to rescind DACA status but this government is not going through that,” said Macedo do Nascimento. “No matter what that number is, any detention and deportation of DACA recipients on valid status is unlawful.” 

The crackdown comes as the government is failing to meet its promise of deporting millions quickly. Immigration agents are struggling to satisfy a stated goal of . 

The United States was home to in 2023, of whom were undocumented, according to Pew Research. 

Records show live in California, 17% in Texas, 5% in Illinois and 4% in both New York and Florida, with the remainder spread across the country. More than 80% are from Mexico, 4% are from El Salvador and 3% are from Guatemala.

Applicants had to be under 16 at the time of entry into the United States, younger than 31 on June 15, 2012 and either enrolled in school — or have graduated — , among a host of other requirements. They had to submit to background checks, reapply to the program every two years and pay hundreds of dollars in fees to participate. 

The government stopped processing new DACA requests in late 2017. But Cervantes sees another way forward. 

“DACA recipients represent the best of us: they are teachers, doctors, business owners, and leaders in their communities,” she said. “Many are parents who have built a life here, with more than a quarter of a million U.S. citizen children with at least one parent with DACA. The success of the DACA program has proven what is possible when policymakers choose humanity and opportunity over hate and cruelty.”

was originally reported by Candice Norwood of .��

Ana is a Mexican-American woman who, as a child, did not live in fear of immigration raids. She’s a U.S.-born citizen who grew up in Mexicantown, Detroit, a Southwest neighborhood that serves as a cultural hub for the city’s Latinx population.

Her grandparents immigrated to the United States with legal status from a small town in the Mexican state of Jalisco. Admittedly, Ana, 38, did not have much awareness about the experiences of undocumented immigrants until she started dating her now-husband in 2012. At 18, he entered the country without documentation, arriving from the same area of Mexico as Ana’s family.

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“We started dating in the early fall, and I remember that he couldn’t take me out, and I was so distraught. Like, ‘Do you not want to take me out?’ But he couldn’t get a job because he didn’t have a Social Security number,” said Ana, whose name has been changed by The 19th to protect her family.

When she imagined getting married and raising a family, her list of motherhood expectations definitely did not include one day preparing her elementary school-age children, all of them U.S. citizens, for an encounter with U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE): Memorize our home address. Take daddy’s phone and hit record. Call mom.

This is Ana’s reality during the second Trump administration. Her husband still does not have legal status. Together, they have three children who are 9, 7 and 5 years old, and the family speaks openly at home about the risks they face.

“I’m parenting in a political climate that could separate my whole family. It could break us apart,” Ana said. “It’s just one more thing; this emotional labor that we carry on as mothers — but this one’s with more stress.”

Across the country, immigrant mothers and mothers who are partnered with immigrants are forced to teach their children a lesson of survival as President Donald Trump continues his historic expansion of immigration enforcement. Over the past year, $75 billion — — has been approved for building new detention centers, hiring thousands of immigration officers and surging ICE operations.

The administration initially claimed it would focus on detaining and deporting people with criminal convictions, but of ICE data show that about one-third of those arrested in 2025 had a criminal conviction. The rest included people without convictions — , , parents heading to work and kids . Some are undocumented. Others have legal status or, in some cases, are U.S. citizens.

For generations of Black American mothers, for interactions with police, including arrests or violence, is an unwelcome rite of passage known as “The Talk.” Historically, it has served as an act of love, vigilance and desperation by mothers seeking to protect their kids in a world that often views them as suspects first and children second.

In the Trump era, a different version of “The Talk” is emerging among immigrant parents who are living with the dread that their children could become targets as well.

As an Afro-Dominican woman living in North Carolina, Dania Santana is balancing multiple dynamics. Her youngest son, who is 11 years old, looks more like the stereotypical image people associate with Latinx children. Her middle son, who is 14, is a Black boy with afro-textured hair. Her 16-year-old daughter has a skin tone that is more of a mix between the two.

“I always get different reactions among different groups of people with my kids, of who is acceptable or cute and who is the opposite. It’s interesting because it’s different reactions from Black people, from Latino people and then from White people,” Santana said. “So I have different conversations with my children about how things can play out for them in this moment.”

Coming to the United States from the Dominican Republic at 25, Santana, now 48, had limited knowledge of U.S. racial dynamics until she began to witness the bias and discrimination firsthand. That understanding shaped the way she began to guide her children. When her older son, who has darker skin, was in middle school, Santana recalls hearing from his teacher that he and his friends were pulling small pranks in class.

Santana said that she took the incident as an opportunity to not only discourage her son from being disruptive in class, but also to share with him that he may not always receive the same level of grace as his White friends. “You need to learn this now before you’re out there,” she said.

With both ICE and local police on Santana’s mind, she feels on high alert all the time, questioning every aspect of where her children will be and who they will be with. This includes monitoring cell phone locations and sitting inside the nearby Starbucks while her kids hang at the mall. She has even considered moving her family to New York City, where she lived before North Carolina. At least in New York, her kids wouldn’t have to drive, she said. Or maybe they might flee the United States entirely if circumstances get worse.

“I have been very clear with them that the moment I see that things are turning, we will be looking into leaving the country,” she said. “So when my youngest son heard that the National Guard was coming, he thought it was that moment. He got really sad. He was like, ‘So we’re gonna have to leave everything behind?’”

For many households in the United States, “The Talk” is a common method of racial socialization, a way for parents and caregivers to teach children about race and identity to both foster a sense of pride and to prepare them for societal inequities and police brutality.

Often, what prompts a parent to begin these conversations is a specific incident: a racist comment muttered under someone’s breath at the grocery store, a White mother on the playground instructing her child not to play with a Black child, said Dr. Leslie A. Anderson, an assistant professor of family and consumer sciences at Morgan State University.

As part of her research, Anderson analyzed how Black families with young school-age children navigated “The Talk.” She and her team found that many parents gave their children specific directives on how to act when in the presence of law enforcement. This includes keeping their hands visible at all times, remaining calm and respectful to the officers, answering officers’ questions and directing the officers to their parents. In other cases, parents instruct their children to leave the situation and find them or another trusted adult, which could unintentionally escalate the interaction.

Research indicates that when done thoughtfully, with specific, practical directives, “The Talk” can be beneficial for children, Anderson said. “But it’s also extremely stressful for the parent, primarily the mom, to have to navigate these conversations in the first place,” she said. “And what I found is that a lot of folks feel inept, like, ‘I know I need to have this conversation. I don’t know how to do it.’”

Black and Brown people regardless of citizenship or immigration status face disproportionate risk of racial profiling and violence by law enforcement. Recent studies have also captured how the day-to-day lives of immigrants can be heavily shaped by the threat of immigration enforcement. One survey conducted among a representative sample of Latinx and Asian immigrants in California between 2018 and 2020 found that about 43 percent of Latinx immigrants and 13 percent of Asian immigrants knew someone who had been deported, said Dr. Maria-Elena De Trinidad Young, an immigrant health scholar and professor at the University of California, Merced.

About 16 percent of Latinx immigrants and 10 percent of Asian immigrants reported experiencing racial profiling. When it comes to speaking with children about ICE, conversations may start when children ask their parents specific questions based on what they’re observing. But many times, the conversations are not explicit, Young said.

Immigrant parents experience varying levels of comfort speaking directly about their status. They may instruct kids to avoid staring out from windows or going outdoors on certain occasions, which can be confusing, at least initially. Over time, the children may begin to pick up on their parents’ fears and any ICE presence in their communities — and they will connect the dots for themselves.

Many immigrant mothers feel that the country’s approach to immigration has intensified over the course of their lives. Some did not have to confront conversations about immigration enforcement until having to do so with their own children during the Trump administration.

Maya was born in India, spent her childhood in Australia and moved to the Seattle area when she was 12. The schools she attended in the United States were not diverse, so she often felt different from other kids. Immigration-specific conversations were never really on her radar until after she received a green card in high school and later began to face more explicit experiences with xenophobia as an adult, she said.

Her son was just 1 year old when Trump returned to Washington for a second time. The 35-year-old and her husband live in a predominantly White New Jersey town. The week Trump got elected, she said, an older White man walked up to her and her son at the grocery store and told her to go back to her country.

In the 15 months since, Maya, whose name The 19th has changed, has watched online videos of ICE agents storming playgrounds and posting up outside of elementary schools. She’s read the stories of what’s happened in Minnesota, including the killings of and by ICE agents, as well as the detention of 5-year-old .

Maya has her green card and should be legally shielded from an ICE arrest or detention. Yet she has seen news reports documenting the apprehension of people with legal work permits, green cards or pending asylum cases.

Maya’s green card expires next year.

Her son is 3 years old now, and there’s only so much he can absorb, Maya said. She struggles with the balance between protecting his innocence and childhood and making sure he’s prepared should anything happen. His nanny is undocumented, which adds an extra layer of complication because ICE could come after her while she’s out with Maya’s son. Maya said there are days when her phone will ping with a text from the nanny saying she can’t make it to work because ICE agents are near her home.

For now, Maya tells her young son:

Do not go anywhere except with his nanny, mom and dad.

Do not walk away with any strangers.

If his nanny gets pulled over while he’s in the car, he needs to immediately say, “I want my mommy.” “I want my daddy.”

Maya also keeps a laminated card tucked into the backseat pocket of her car. It states, “If left unattended, please contact,” with her name and phone number, as well as her husband’s name and phone number.

Maya said she feels isolated in her town, which has few other women of color. She described encounters with other mothers in her area who appear confused by the fear she is experiencing. She also hasn’t been able to find any resources to help her navigate having age-appropriate conversations with her son about ICE and the political climate, which heightens the anxiety.

“I think that is the piece of motherhood that is changing so much, because when you are living a very different version of motherhood versus someone who is White, who has lived here for generations, who does not have this level of stress and anxiety on them at all times. It’s a very different experience,” she said.

In conversations with The 19th, immigrant mothers’ concerns in some ways mirrored those of the Black parents from Anderson’s research. Immigrant moms largely expressed feeling ill-equipped to handle conversations about ICE with their kids. They also struggled with the grief that their children will have to internalize adult problems at an early age.

Some that Black children who received “The Talk” report lower levels of stress related to the anticipation of police brutality. But general exposure to incidents with law enforcement has been shown to create psychological distress in Black and Brown children. For immigrants or children of immigrants, the more times a person comes into contact with immigration enforcement, the higher their risk for psychological distress and self-reported poor health outcomes over the course of their lives, Young said.

Black and Brown mothers are trying to balance all of these factors.

“No one should have to tell their children, first of all, that the streets might not be safe anymore. Like, as mothers, we don’t want to tell our children that they shouldn’t trust the police, that the police might get into their schools and try to detain kids like them,” said Linda López Stone, who came to the United States from Ecuador nearly two decades ago and has three children ages 12, 14 and 17.

She lives in Utah, and has made a point to teach her kids their basic rights and, most importantly, to know when to stay quiet. “No digas nada,” she has told them. Don’t say anything to law enforcement about themselves, their immigration status, their parents or their friends. If there’s any silver lining, Stone said, it’s that she’s raising children who are engaged and active in their communities, serving as a language bridge for their classmates who cannot speak English and passing on the safety lessons they have learned to other kids.

“I have let them know everyone is an immigrant, and everyone that you know who is a person of color is under threat, even myself,” Stone said. “So you have to make sure that the people around you, your friends and your peers, are aware of what’s happening, and it’s important to take care of each other.”

These unaccompanied minors, who came to the United States without their parents, had already passed through government custody upon arrival and were placed with family or friends who federal officials deemed fit to care for them. 

All four ended up in detention again — a 16-year-old girl was followed home from the laundromat, a 14-year-old boy was a passenger in a traffic stop, according to the complaint — and held for months, missing their families and school despite having vetted caretakers at home. 

Some of these teens may be forced to enter the foster care system because their guardians, many of whom are their parents, cannot meet stricter new identification and other government requirements, according to Democracy Forward and The National Center for Youth Law, the two groups that filed the class action Monday in Washington, D.C.

“The government already vetted these sponsors, approved these reunifications, and sent these children home,” Skye Perryman, president and CEO of Democracy Forward, said in a statement. “Now, without any justification, it is ripping children from their homes and families, subjecting them to detention, and forcing families through an endless bureaucratic process.” 

The advocates note Congress requires unaccompanied children to be placed in the “least restrictive setting,” but that the Trump administration’s increased immigration enforcement has resulted in hundreds being detained and separated from their families as their asylum requests are considered. 

They say the administration is forcing previously approved sponsors to reapply “through a new, confusing, months-long process that many cannot complete due to their immigration status.” It’s as if these sponsors had never been approved in the past, the lawsuit alleges, adding there is no process through which the federal government’s policies can be challenged.  

The lawsuit seeks the teens’ release from detention, prompt reunification with their previously approved sponsors and due process moving forward.

“Children are missing school, milestones, and time with loved ones because of a blanket policy that ignores their rights and their humanity,” Perryman added. “Once again, we are in court to stop this unlawful practice and ensure that children are not treated as collateral damage in the president’s power grab.”

The Administration for Children and Families, which oversees the Office of Refugee Resettlement and is under the Department of Health and Human Services, said in a statement Wednesday it does not comment on ongoing litigation. The Department of Homeland Security did not answer questions about its detention policies. 

There were at the end of January according to government records. The agency operates a network of and programs across 24 states. While the number of children and the facilities that house them have decreased in recent years, the average length of stay for young people from 38 days in fiscal year 2015 to 117 days a decade later.

The office became more stringent in its sponsorship requirements last winter when it began refusing foreign passports as acceptable forms of identification. It also expanded fingerprinting, DNA testing and home study requirements — and changed the means through which families must prove financial stability and their address.

It now demands in-person appointments to verify identification, often with federal immigration agents present, and eliminated protections against sharing applicants’ citizenship status with DHS, increasing sponsors’ risk of detainment.

The Office of Refugee Resettlement has said its regulations are designed to protect children “from smugglers, traffickers, or others who might seek to victimize or otherwise engage the child in criminal, harmful or exploitative activity.”

The lawsuit notes children in government care can’t participate in outside extracurricular activities and are not permitted to leave the facilities where they are housed except for occasional outings accompanied by staff.

“With the exception of children placed in long-term foster care, children in ORR custody do not attend public school and instead attend class within the facility,” the lawsuit states. “These education programs are designed for short-term stays and generally do not provide academic credit.” 

The lawsuit said, too, that “sudden and unexpected inability to attend school, see their friends, and regularly see and speak to their family compounds the trauma of detention.”

Immigrant advocates filed Tuesday to stop U.S. Customs and Border Protection agents from urging newly arrived unaccompanied minors to self deport.

Adam Strom, co-founder and executive director of Re-Imagining Migration, said the impact of the government’s actions are profound. 

“The research is clear that separating children from their families, friends, and supportive school communities does real and lasting harm,” he said. “Instead of removing young people from those who care for them, we should be working to ensure all young people get the support they need to thrive — in their schools, in their families, and in their communities.”

The four students in the lawsuit are identified by their first name and last initial. Diego N., 14, was living with his father, stepmother, and siblings in South Texas until he was detained in November by Border Patrol as a passenger in a traffic stop. His father’s application as a sponsor “has been continually delayed by a seemingly never ending list of requirements.”

The boy’s education has suffered.

“Diego also does not feel that he is learning anything while he is in ORR custody because the lessons are too easy and basic,” the lawsuit said. “He is being taught how to name fruits in English when he should be a freshman at his public high school.”

Renesme R., 16, was living with her father for two years in Tennessee and “was thriving in school, playing volleyball, and participating in Junior ROTC in the hopes of serving in the U.S. military after graduation.” 

Forced back into the Office of Refugee Resettlement’s care after being detained on her way home from the laundromat, she has spent months in custody. 

“Renesme feels imprisoned at the shelter where she’s been held for three months in Texas, far from her home in Tennessee,” the lawsuit states. “She is particularly concerned that she’s not receiving academic credit for school and that she will need to repeat 11th grade and will not be able to finish her three-year Junior ROTC certificate.”

Mario C., 17, had been living happily with his mother in Texas since 2023 when he was a passenger in a car pulled over by police last year. He spent three nights in jail and, before his mother could bail him out, was detained by ICE and sent to an Office of Refugee Resettlement shelter in New York.  

“Mario longs to taste his mom’s cooking again and see his baby brother grow up,” the advocacy groups say. “Now back in ORR custody, he is considering foster care placement because his mother does not have the type of U.S.-issued identification newly required by ORR as part of the sponsorship application.”

The boy worries his mother will be detained herself if she pursues the matter.

Benito S., 17, was living with his aunt in Louisiana for more than two years and enjoyed cooking, playing basketball, and spending time with his cousins. He was detained shortly before Christmas. 

His aunt can’t reapply to sponsor him because she also can’t meet the new ID requirements.��As a result, Benito is seeking foster care placement and is likely to remain in government custody until he turns 18.

“Benito says that being in ORR custody again is awful,” the lawsuit states. “He is bored and it is difficult for him to focus on anything other than how much he misses his family. He is allowed to listen to some music, like country music, but he is not allowed to listen to the music he loves, like . He is sad and lonely and wants to go home.”

Milo went missing. 

Yet it wasn’t the lost puppy that gave people the jitters — it was the promise behind the story: that a communitywide web of home security systems could transform a neighborhood into a “Search Party.”

The Super Bowl commercial set off public backlash against two leading surveillance companies: Amazon, which owns Ring doorbell cameras, and Flock Safety, which makes license plate reader cameras. Within days, the e-commerce giant announced it was ditching a planned partnership with Atlanta-based Flock.

Privacy advocates said the breakup represented a rare, high-profile retreat from the expansion of surveillance-driven policing — and that school leaders should take note.

“The fact that Amazon is reconsidering their relationship with Flock should be a very large and glaring sign that schools should also perhaps reconsider that relationship,” said Kristin Woelfel, policy counsel for equity in civic technology at the nonprofit Center for Democracy and Technology.

In an investigation last week, The 74 revealed that police nationwide routinely tapped into school district Flock cameras to assist President Donald Trump’s mass immigration crackdown, which has also led to public outcry and protest over the U.S. Department of Homeland Security’s unprecedented surveillance tactics.

You can also listen to me talk about my latest reporting on the and on on San Francisco’s KALW public radio.

In the news

The latest in Trump’s immigration crackdown: A Georgia elementary school teacher was killed this week while driving to work when a man being chased by federal immigration agents rammed into her vehicle. | 

• Conservative advocacy group Defending Education has built a database of some 700 school districts nationally that have adopted policies restricting federal immigration agents’ access to campuses. | 

• U.S. Department of Homeland Security spokeswoman Tricia McLaughlin, who repeatedly denied that federal agents were targeting schools, is stepping down. | 

Instagram and other Meta-owned social media apps have navigated youth safety “in a reasonable way,” company CEO Mark Zuckerberg testified Wednesday in a courtroom filled with parents who have accused the company and other tech giants of hooking their children on the platforms and decimating their mental health. | 

‘Worried that I was going to die’: Georgia high schoolers opened up this week about the horrors of getting shot during the 2024 Apalachee High School shooting that led to the deaths of two teachers and two students. Students’ testimonies came during a criminal trial accusing the alleged shooter’s father of recklessness and failure to prevent the tragedy. | 

Should schools call child protective services on students who are chronically absent? Debate has ensued. | 

• A Georgia father has been arrested on allegations that each of his two sons has missed nearly 400 days of school. One is an elementary school student, while the other is in middle school. | 

In a significant departure from past years, the Education Department’s civil rights division didn’t close any sexual harassment and assault cases involving K-12 schools in 2025, after the Trump administration slashed the agency and purged its caseload. | 

ICYMI @The74

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Milo went missing. 

Yet it wasn’t the lost puppy that gave people the jitters — it was the promise behind the story: That a communitywide web of home security systems could transform a neighborhood into a “Search Party.”

The Super Bowl commercial against two leading surveillance companies, Amazon, which owns Ring doorbell cameras, and Flock Safety, which makes license plate reader cameras. Within days, the e-commerce giant announced it was ditching a planned partnership with Atlanta-based Flock.

Privacy advocates said the breakup represented a rare, high-profile retreat from the expansion of surveillance-driven policing — and that school leaders should take note.

“The fact that Amazon is reconsidering their relationship with Flock should be a very large and glaring sign that schools should also perhaps reconsider that relationship,” said Kristin Woelfel, policy counsel for equity in civic technology at the nonprofit Center for Democracy and Technology. 

In an investigation last week, The 74 revealed that police nationwide routinely tapped into school district Flock cameras to assist President Donald Trump’s mass immigration crackdown, which has also led to public outcry and protest over the U.S. Department of Homeland Security’s

Ring’s planned integration with Flock Safety would have allowed homeowners to share their camera feeds with the police. The company said the collaboration was never launched but it still plans to roll out “Search Party” to homeowners, first for “finding dogs”

In statements, the two companies described the , with Ring saying it

Some 100 school districts across the country have contracted with Flock, according to government procurement records. Their cameras are designed to capture license plate numbers, timestamps and other identifying details, which are uploaded to a cloud server. Flock customers, including schools, can decide whether to share their information with other police agencies in the company’s national network. 

Woelfel’s warning lands amid of automated license plate readers and their use by federal immigration agents to track down targets. Flock audit logs obtained by The 74 and interviews reveal local police departments nationwide are searching school district-run surveillance networks to aid the DHS in immigration enforcement cases. 

The logs were from Texas school districts that contract with Flock and showed that law enforcement agencies far beyond their borders — including in Florida, Georgia, Indiana and Tennessee — routinely conducted searches on the districts’ campus feeds, tagging reasons such as “Immigration (criminal)” and “Immigration (civil/administrative).” Multiple law enforcement officials acknowledged the searches were done at the request of federal immigration agents, with one saying the local assist was given without hesitation. 

Ring spokesperson Emma Daniels said the company doesn’t contract with school districts directly. The company’s “terminated integration with Flock” is specific to a tool that allows local police “to request video footage from Ring users in a specific area during a defined time period” to help in investigations related to “a car theft, a burglary or other local safety concerns.”

Flock spokesperson Holly Beilin said her company was not involved in the “Search Party” feature promoted in the Super Bowl ad and its planned Ring collaboration “had nothing to do with any of our school customers.” Those customers rely on the automated license plate readers to navigate parent custody logistics and in parking lots where “most incidents of violence at schools take place.” In December, district s to investigate a rash of car break-ins in school parking lots.

Immigration and Customs enforcement agents have during school pick-up and drop-off to target immigrant families. 

Beilin said she didn’t know how frequently school-owned Flock networks were being queried on behalf of ICE, but that the company had rolled out that allows customers to disable immigration-related searches on their devices. 

“If school district police, or, frankly any police, decides that that is against their policy, they can turn that search filter on,” Beilin told The 74. “So any of those searches would be filtered out.” 

There is no evidence from The 74’s analysis that the Texas school districts use the devices for their own immigration-related investigations, but the audit logs raise questions about how broadly school safety data are being fed into the far-reaching surveillance tool. 

That school Flock cameras are being accessed by out-of-state police officers for immigration enforcement is “a really serious privacy issue for children and families” Woelfel said. 

“You have to think about what effect it’s ultimately going to have on the community,” she continued. “Even in places without Flock cameras, people are afraid to drop their kids off at school,” because of heightened immigration enforcement and the Trump administration’s policy change that lifted longstanding restrictions against immigration enforcement in or around schools and other “sensitive locations.” 

‘Can’t believe we have that here’

For 16-year-old Zachary Schwartz, a high schooler from San Francisco, backlash to the Ring ad validated something he’s been telling people for months: Flock’s presence in communities nationwide has grown far too vast and most Americans don’t even realize it. 

“You hear about tracking systems in other countries, like China, which are more authoritarian,” Schwartz said. “And it’s like, ‘Whoa, I can’t believe we have that here.” 

Schwartz said he fell down the Flock rabbit hole after watching , which sent him digging into its widespread use in his own city. He learned the San Francisco Police Department shared its feeds with law enforcement officers nationwide, including for immigration enforcement, in apparent . Activists have also elevated concerns about weak cybersecurity safeguards and faulty findings that

Schwartz built a website, , to drive attention to Flock’s presence. He also circulated posters across San Francisco urging residents to learn about the cameras constantly watching them.

“If you’re driving on a major roadway, you’re being tracked in the city,” Schwartz said. “It would be pretty hard to avoid it while going to school if you’re going by car or by a bus.” 

The 74 reached out to 30 districts to learn more about how they use Flock and whether they’ve assessed how their data are shared. Few responded and almost all declined to comment. Several, including Indiana’s Center Grove Community School Corporation, said they ended their contracts with Flock without providing details about why. 

One district that did respond was Minnetonka Public Schools, 12 miles southwest of Minneapolis, where the Trump administration’s mass deployment of immigration agents last month resulted in the fatal shootings of two citizens, closed Minneapolis Public Schools for two days and forced multiple districts in the Twin Cities area to offer remote learning for students too afraid to come to school.

District spokesperson JacQueline Getty said Minnetonka school officials use Flock license plate readers primarily to ensure people who have been banned from campus don’t trespass on school property. She didn’t elaborate on whether district Flock data are shared directly with outside law enforcement agencies or if their data have been leveraged to assist federal immigration agents. 

“We cooperate with our local law enforcement department when there is a need to do so, such as if our reader pings a stolen vehicle entering our lot,” Getty said in an email. “Our primary goal is campus safety, and the district has benefited from identifying people who should not be on district property.”

At Indiana University in Bloomington, in a January protest criticizing the city’s use of Flock license plate readers. In at the University of Wisconsin-Madison, the campus it “uses a limited number” of Flock cameras for campus safety but has “enabled specific settings within our system to prevent searches related to immigration enforcement.” 

‘The future that we really want?’

The controversy comes on the heels of efforts at Flock to security. Security vendor Raptor Technologies announced last year an initiative to implement Flock cameras into a product designed to enhance safety during afternoon dismissal. 

Raptor Technologies, which counts roughly 40% of U.S. school districts as its customers, offers software that screens school visitors.

“By working with both schools and local law enforcement, Flock helps create safe corridors for student travel — whether that’s monitoring activity along walking routes, at bus stops or on nearby roads,” Flock said in . 

In 2024, Raptor��suffered a cybersecurity lapse that exposed millions of sensitive records —��including districts’ active-shooter plans and students’ medical records —��to the internet.

“Raptor Technologies does not share, sell or disclose any data collected on our platform with third parties or government agencies,” a company spokesperson said in a statement after this article was published.

“We do not provide access to our systems or customer records other than as directed by customers or pursuant to a valid government order,” according to the statement. Although Raptor tools integrate with other companies’ security offerings, the spokesperson said it is up to districts to “determine what data, if any, is shared, the scope of what is shared and whether an integration is enabled.”

Schwartz, the San Francisco high schooler, said students learn about mass surveillance at school by reading books like George Orwell’s classic 1984. Yet when government overreach “happens right in front of us,” he said, “many people don’t see it.”

In a place where Bay Area technology companies routinely roll out their latest wares, people are starting to wake up, he said. 

“It also means that we see the future before it happens sometimes,” Schwartz said, “and we can decide ‘Oh, is this the future that we really want?’”

Clarification: Flock’s licensed plate reader cameras were not part of the company’s since-cancelled integration with Ring. The subhead on this story has been updated to make that distinction clearer.

After Renee Good was shot and killed by a federal immigration agent in Minneapolis, Watsonville High School teacher Sarah Clark’s ninth grade students had a lot of questions. What precipitated the interaction? Was she yelling at them? Was she aggressive? Was she rude? Can we film immigration agents? Will we be arrested if we do?

The fatal shootings of Good and, a few weeks later, Alex Pretti, by federal officers have sparked nationwide outrage and led to student walkouts in California. In the aftermath, teachers in several districts said they have been navigating difficult conversations about the legality of federal immigration agents’ use of force, constitutional rights and due process, as students seek clarification about these and other events they have seen in the news and on social media.

“Being teenagers, they mouth off on occasion. They were very worried that if they were in a situation like that, and they said something, that they would be arrested, detained, searched,” Clark said. “It’s a lot of stress to put on 14-year-olds.”

Erinn Leone, history and social science content specialist for the Sacramento City Unified School District, said teaching about current events can help students learn important skills they will need as adults, such as analyzing news articles, understanding biases and being able to discuss issues with other people who disagree with them or have different perspectives.

“It’s important for making the history we’re learning in the classroom relevant, so they see that things happening today are rooted in historical context and things don’t happen out of the blue,” said Leone, who recently conducted a training about teaching current events called “Teaching the Now.”

In addition, she said, it’s important for students to have a space to process what they see on the news and social media. 

“Current events impact our students. They cause fear in our students. It’s important for us to not ignore what’s happening in their everyday lives,” Leone said. “When we don’t bring those things into the classroom, it’s noticed.”

‘There’s some anger, there’s shock’

Los Angeles Unified School District teacher Manuel Gochez said the students in his Advanced Placement Government class had a lot of opinions about the disparities they saw between the videos of the shootings of Good and Pretti and the way the Trump administration described the shootings.

“There’s some anger, there’s shock, there’s disappointment, too, in the way people are being treated and the inhumanity of it all,” he said.

Gochez and other teachers said students had questions about whether federal immigration agents were following the law, which led to discussions about what happens when law enforcement does not follow the law and the checks and balances of the three branches of government — judicial, legislative and executive.

“The students are usually the ones asking the questions and leading the conversations,” Gochez said. “My job, more than anything, is to give a space to discuss. They have a lot of thoughts and opinions, and if they don’t feel safe in the classroom or in school, it can be a lot they’re holding in.”

After the Jan. 21 publication of an internal  stating agents had the right to enter homes without a judicial warrant, students in Gabriel Perez’s ethnic studies classes in Fresno Unified asked, “Can ICE come into our house now?” 

“I’ve had students cry in front of their classmates. You see the stress, you see the fear, because many of their parents are undocumented. It’s something I see all the time,” Perez said. 

First Amendment discussions 

Some English teachers are also bringing current events into their classrooms.

“I think it’s extremely important to connect what’s happening now with what’s happening in our literature. I always tell students that if you really want to know what was happening at the time, read a book,” said Benny Martinez, who teaches English in South Central L.A.

His 10th grade students have just finished reading “Fahrenheit 451,” the 1953 novel by Ray Bradbury, in which, under a fictional future government, all books are banned and “firemen” burn them. Martinez said the book sparked discussion among his students about recent efforts to ban books about LGBTQ issues or race from some school libraries.

“We were talking about First Amendment rights and freedom of speech being taken away,” Martinez said. “The students were asking, ‘Why are we banning books?’ It’s important to understand other points of view.”

Next, Martinez’s students will read “Night,” Elie Wiesel’s memoir about surviving the Nazi concentration camps. In preparation, Martinez has been teaching his students about the Holocaust.

“A lot of them are interested in that topic because of the idea that history could repeat itself,” he said.

Clark said in her district, Pajaro Valley Unified, in Santa Cruz County, ninth graders don’t take social studies, so she incorporates units on the Constitution and the history of labor unions into her English classes. This year, she also taught a unit on the history of deportations in the U.S. 

Students brainstormed questions for the class to research, including “What percentage of people deported have had criminal records? What percentage have been here longer than 10 years?” 

Clark said the vast majority of her students are U.S. citizens, but estimated that about 25% to 30% have undocumented relatives. 

“They are very worried. We all heard during the campaign that the administration was going to focus on criminal undocumented immigrants, and that’s just not what’s been happening,” said Clark, referring to Donald Trump’s 2024 presidential campaign.

Setting boundaries and guidelines 

Some teachers shy away from conversations about current events in class because they are afraid of complaints from parents or administrators. Heather Miller, who teaches “Women and Gender in Ethnic Studies” in Fresno Unified, said there is a lot of concern, especially since some ethnic studies teachers have been accused of antisemitism after discussing the war in Gaza or the relationship between Israel and Palestine.

“What can we say? What can’t we say?” Miller said. “There’s a lot of fear around losing our jobs or getting complaints.” 

Still, Miller said students bring up current events even if teachers don’t. “In my AP classes, I’m teaching imperialism right now,” she said. “What do you say when they say, ‘Oh, are we imperializing Greenland now?’ ” 

Leone, the history and social science specialist, recommends that teachers and students agree on guidelines for these conversations beforehand to make sure they are respectful, including acknowledging different perspectives and criticizing sources, not people. She also recommends that teachers take time to discuss how different people’s experiences and identities shape their perspectives.

As a teacher in South Sacramento, Leone facilitated discussions in her class about police shootings. Some students had loved ones who had negative experiences with law enforcement, while others had fathers or uncles who were police. 

“We’re teaching students to think about different perspectives and engage with people who have different perspectives,” she said. “It’s important that I’m not teaching students what to think, I’m not teaching them what to believe. Every student is entitled to their own belief. But they’re also required to think critically about those things and ground their discussion in facts and truth.”

Los Angeles Unified teacher Gochez said these conversations can also be an opportunity to teach students about civic participation.

“It’s an opportunity to empower them,” he said, “If you don’t like what’s occurring, you have a voice; you can do something about it.”

This was originally published on .

The longstanding rule prohibiting federal agents from targeting schools was repealed Jan. 20, 2025, the day of President Donald Trump’s second inauguration. “Criminals will no longer be able to hide in America’s schools and churches to avoid arrest,” the Department of Homeland Security said in a press release. “The Trump Administration will not tie the hands of our brave law enforcement, and instead trusts them to use common sense.” 

The suit names Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem, her department, Immigration and Customs Enforcement, Customs and Border Protection and numerous federal officials as defendants. As of press time, DHS had not responded to The 74’s request for comment. 

At a press conference in Nogales, Arizona, on Wednesday, ICE Director Todd Lyons — a defendant in the suit — praised the Trump administration’s policies. “We didn’t need any new laws,” he said. “We just need the ability to enforce the ones we have.”  

White House border czar Tom Homan has insisted immigration agents have “de-escalated” actions and that 700 will soon leave Minnesota. But education leaders say schools are being targeted as intensively as at any point in the last two months. 

Even with the promised reduction, the number of agents still in the state would be larger than the 2,000 present when Minneapolis mother Renee Good was killed by ICE a month ago.    

Five-year-old Liam Conejo Ramos — depicted in a photo that went viral worldwide as he was abducted wearing a knit bunny hat — from a Texas detention center and escorted home to the Minneapolis suburb of Columbia Heights on Feb. 1 by Texas Democratic Rep. Joaquin Castro. 

The next morning, however, ICE agents stationed themselves in at least one school parking lot in the district, and a bomb threat was received, Superintendent Zena Stenvik . Multiple Columbia Heights students detained in recent days have yet to be released.       

The lawsuit lists numerous examples of federal agents occupying and detaining staff in school parking lots, following superintendents and school board members, tackling and tear-gassing students and staff, pulling day care workers from their cars, arresting parents and students at bus stops and pulling over school vans transporting children to school, among other actions. 

As a result, the complaint states, districts have been forced to cancel classes and create online learning alternatives for students — including non-immigrants — whose families can’t safely leave their homes. In several school systems, more than a third of children are absent or learning online on any given day. Absentee rates are much higher in programs specifically geared for immigrants. Many students have simply disappeared. 

Because Minnesota uses daily student attendance numbers to calculate per-pupil funding, impacted districts anticipate a loss of revenue, the lawsuit states. One of the districts that brought the suit, Duluth Public Schools, has spent more than $500,000 worth of staff time planning new security measures in response to the enforcement surge. 

Over the last two months, half of the district’s administrative team’s time has been spent planning responses, Duluth Superintendent John Magas told The 74. “We know students can’t learn unless they feel safe,” he said. “Right now there is a great sense of lack of safety, especially among our historically underserved students, based on what we are seeing.”   

The complaint filed by the Duluth school system, Fridley Public Schools — which has twice been forced to cancel all classes because of ICE activities at or near schools — and Education Minnesota says federal agents’ actions “violate the Administrative Procedure Act and constitutional protections, and that DHS failed to adequately consider the educational and community impacts when it rescinded prior guidance limiting enforcement in sensitive locations.”

No district or taxpayer funds are being used for the lawsuit, Magas said. Much of the cost is being borne by the teachers union.  

From 1993 to 2025, immigration agents were required to have advance, written approval if they believed exceptional circumstances merited an exception. School bus stops were explicitly named in the policies as being off-limits. Immigration officials were required to report agents’ activities near protected areas. 

“The presence [of ICE] agents conducting investigative activity at schools, or in venues where children’s activities occur, has always been a point of particular sensitivity,” a 2007 version of the rule explained. “Accordingly, it is important to emphasize that great care and forethought be applied before undertaking any investigative or enforcement type action at or near schools, other institutions of education, and venues generally where children and their families are present.”

In 2021, then-DHS Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas issued a memorandum reaffirming the “fundamental … bedrock” principle behind curtailing enforcement. The agency, it said, “can accomplish [its] enforcement mission without denying or limiting individuals’ access to needed medical care, children access to their schools, the displaced access to food and shelter, people of faith access to their places of worship and more.”

“The budget negotiations going on in Congress right now, we’ve heard a lot of things about body cams and things like that,” said Magas. “I haven’t heard a lot about a .”

In Rochester, Minnesota, January absenteeism overall was 42% higher than in December but up 116% among students receiving English learner services and 108% among Latinos, according to Superintendent Kent Pekel. Of the district’s 15,500 students, more than 200 recently enrolled in the district’s existing online school, while an average of about 550 were absent on any given January day. 

In the last few days, however, enrollment has rebounded. It’s hard to know exactly what’s prompting the return, Pekel told The 74, but families he has spoken to say they are nervous but also want their kids in school. Informal networks of educators and parents have been out in the community dropping off food, providing rides and making sure families know children are missed.   

Unlike other districts, Pekel said, Rochester’s schools don’t seem to be a target of immigration agents. “They have been near our schools, but we haven’t had instances of them being on our property or circling schools,” he said. But if that were to change, enrollment would likely fall. 

“One incident could wipe that out.”

was originally reported by Chabeli Carrazana of . .

They started showing up shortly after the now viral video was posted to YouTube, claiming Minnesota day cares run by Somali Americans were rife with fraud. The video showed no real proof of that claim and has since been . They came anyway.

The first time it happened, the day care received an anonymous call from a woman brusquely asking them to open the door. When Fay, the owner, went outside, a man was already there recording. “There’s nobody here,” he was saying into the camera on his phone.

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“Can I help you?” she asked him. The man said he was there because of Nick Shirley’s video. He wanted to see the children.

“I’m not going to let you in,” she replied. “There are kids here.”

“If you’re not lying,” he told her, “let me in.”

Fay, whose name The 19th has changed to protect her identity over fears for her safety, didn’t waver. Even under normal circumstances, she would never let an unknown man enter the day care and come near the children, much less film them, and certainly not under these circumstances, as a Somali day care provider who suddenly feels like she has a target on her back.

It’s been like this for over a month. A pair of young men turned up one night looking through the windows until a nearby business owner walked up to them and asked them to leave. Another time, an older man came twice in one day with a paper in hand, trying to pull open the doors.

“Does he want to get to the kids? Does he want to shoot us?” Fay wondered. She called the police.

Child care providers in Minnesota — especially Somali Americans — are facing high levels of harassment in a city besieged by Immigrations and Customs Enforcement (ICE) officers. As strangers continue to show up asking to get access to the children inside, there is also the constant fear that ICE may come for the parents, the children or their staff, a large portion of whom are immigrants. Nationwide, about child care workers are immigrants, almost all of them women. It’s a fear now extending from child care to schools, with parents standing up adhoc networks to support providers, teachers and other immigrant families.

“I really love America more than I love anywhere in the world, and now I am feeling scared and sad and humiliated,” said Fay, who has been in the country for more than 20 years, is an American citizen and has been operating her center for nearly a decade.

The video YouTuber Nick Shirley posted just after Christmas alleged widespread fraud at day cares in Minnesota that were siphoning government funds but not providing care for any children at all. In the video, Shirley goes to multiple Somali-run day cares. Some appear closed, others do not let him in when he asks to see the children. Unannounced inspections by state officials into the centers following the video found them operating normally, and nearly all have prior going back years that further prove they have been serving children. Some fraud at child care centers in Minnesota has been previously , but there is that widespread fraud is taking place.

Nevertheless, the video has created a powerful narrative of rampant abuse, drawing the attention of the president and precipitating a drastic surge in ICE activity that by many accounts has turned South Minneapolis into something resembling a war zone. Already, have been killed by federal agents and — including — have been hurt and detained.

“As a child care community we are feeling attacked and we are an easy target: Child care historically has always been done by women and especially women of color in an exploitative practice,” said Leah Budnik, the board secretary at the Minnesota Association for the Education of Young Children, a child care advocacy organization.

After Shirley’s video, the Trump administration put a freeze on child care funding to the state, though funds are still available . The administration also asked for additional documentation such as attendance records and student information from providers, an effort that Minnesota’s Department of Children, Youth and Families has ratcheted up by sending members of the state’s Bureau of Criminal Apprehension to parse through paperwork. That means that armed law enforcement is now joining in on the compliance checks, raising questions from providers about the need for that step — particularly around children.

“I can understand the need for the state to have people-power to go in and collect documentation the federal government is asking for in very short notice, but bringing armed law enforcement into child care centers is probably not the right way to do it,” Budnik said. “It does make people feel scared and criminalized.”

Cisa Keller, the president and CEO of Think Small, a nonprofit that works with many of the state’s child care centers offering additional education and support services, called the administration’s response to Shirley’s video a “kneejerk reaction” that is ultimately going to harm providers who had nothing to do with the false allegations. Most of the nine programs in the Shirley video, she said, are programs her staff has worked directly with.

“We are in and out of those programs with coaching and professional development, and we have a presence as part of the system,” Keller said. “We would be able to see if something was going awry.”

Instead, what’s happened is an escalation of a situation where children are going to be the most directly impacted, she said.

In the Twin Cities, where the bulk of ICE activity is taking place, the situation has boiled over to full panic. Providers are losing staff to the ICE raids because immigrant staffers are either being arrested or choosing to stay home. Some families the providers serve are , not taking their children to school or day care to avoid ICE.

Dawn Uribe, the owner of four Spanish-immersion preschools in Minnesota, said two of her staffers have been detained by ICE. One of them was on break at work in early January when it happened and called a supervisor to let them know they were being taken away and to please inform their family.

Since, a vast community mobilization effort led by parents has sprung up to support staff, centers and other families.

Over the Martin Luther King Jr. holiday weekend this month, a group of about 20 grandparents and parents showed up to a two-hour training at one of Uribe’s day cares to learn how they could step in as volunteers should the school lose additional staff and be unable to meet teacher-to-student ratios. (By law, day cares must adhere to strict ratios for child safety; in Minnesota there can be to every teacher, for example.) The parents and grandparents who showed up learned about shaken baby syndrome, how to do accident reporting and how to ensure kids are accounted for at all times should they ever need to be called on to step in.

The parents, Uribe said, are also delivering food to staff, taking parking lot shifts to watch for ICE and ensure teachers get safely to and from school, and standing watch in the lobby.

“The community in general, the Twin Cities in general, we don’t like what’s happening and we are going to stand up and say that this is wrong,” Uribe said. “Every time there is a training offered [in the community] people are there and they’re showing up to help their neighbors, they’re showing up to take groceries, they’re showing up to protests to be an observer and record what’s going on. That part’s powerful.”

Sarah Quinn, a mom of two in Minneapolis, said parents at her older daughter’s elementary school had been working together to take food to immigrant students and their families since ICE first showed up in the city in early December. When reports that ICE was patrolling near the schools started to circulate, parents stepped in to give kids rides to school using spare booster seats and car seats. They got an estimated 50 kids back to school in December through those efforts.

But then came Shirley’s video and the murder of Renee Nicole Good. Calls for aid flooded in. The preschool Quinn’s son attends got so many harassing calls in one day that police had to be sent to the school.

Parents started to set up school patrols, stationing volunteers in the parking lot and in their neighborhoods to make sure kids, families and staff could come and go to school safely. The number of parents doing food deliveries to other families’ homes shot up.

“People said ‘jump’ and we all kind of said, ‘How high?’” Quinn said. “As parents who care about our neighbors and who love this part of Minneapolis life that is diverse and involves immigrant families who have really just been responding as neighbors.”

They have also resolved to be more careful, watching everyone who comes and goes from the schools to make sure they are not inadvertently letting anyone in behind them who could harm the kids. In Chicago late last year, ICE agents entered a Spanish immersion preschool and detained a worker .

“We are not going to be Minnesota nice,” Quinn said.

Parents in Quinn’s daughter’s elementary school were made aware in December of a child in her grade who had not been at school for a week. They later learned the child’s parent had been detained and the other parent was keeping the child home out of fear.

When Quinn went into her daughter’s class recently to do a holiday craft, she realized the missing child was her daughter’s deskmate.

It’s presented a quiet challenge among the parents in the immensity of this moment: How do you talk to a second grader about what’s unfolding around them?

“We have had to find a lot of different ways to talk to our kids about how to be safe. Our children know the word ‘ICE’ and they know the word ‘ICE agent,’” Quinn said.

They’ve developed something of a mantra between them.

“What do we want?” Quinn may ask.

“We want them to leave,” the kids will reply. “We want all of our immigrant friends to feel safe.”

For weeks, parents and teachers throughout Minnesota have been reluctant to share specifics about the steps they’re taking to protect their school communities. But the killing of an ICU nurse by federal agents over the weekend — the second shooting captured and shared worldwide on cellphone cameras — finally brought their reality to the attention of the outside world, speakers told reporters.

A crying mom described driving her kid’s terrified classmates to school in the Minneapolis neighborhood where agents killed another mother, Renee Good, three weeks ago. A school board member who publicly criticized ICE for detaining a preschooler said she woke up to find an ICE caravan idling outside her home. A superintendent detailed how she arranges transportation for at-risk school staffers’ — and then joins her school security workers on patrol. 

The superintendent, Fridley Public Schools’ Brenda Lewis, said her suburban district has been “targeted”: “We need helpers. We need leaders, advocates and people of influence to step in and help end this.”

Educators narrated the fatigue of working a full day and then spending hours volunteering, delivering food and other essentials to families in hiding — only to find themselves tailed by caravans of heavily armed federal agents.  

An American government teacher-turned-state lawmaker shouted as he described walking below an FDR quote chiseled into stone in the hall leading to the state Senate chambers: “Education is a better safeguard of liberty than a standing army.”  

As the speakers took turns, a tiny pink origami rabbit sat on the rim of the podium. To one side was a poster of 5-year-old Liam Conejo Ramos, who was detained coming home from preschool Jan. 20. Conejo means rabbit. In a now-iconic photo of a federal agent grabbing Liam by his Spider-Man backpack, the boy is wearing a homemade knit bunny hat. 

As she approached the podium, a woman identified only as Elizabeth broke down. “I practiced this and practiced,” she said, crying, before saying that as she feeds her kids breakfast, she keeps an eye trained on a closed group chat in her neighborhood, where Good was killed three weeks ago.    

If the group says it’s okay to leave, she loads her kid in the car and then picks up classmates whose parents can’t leave home. At school, they’re greeted by people trying their best to make the citizen safety brigade that flanks the walkway from the street to the school entrance look like the fun squad: “Our neighbors with the amazing frog hats and the giant smiles. The dog walkers who have changed their routines to include the school. And the retired teachers — who cannot stop caring for our kids.”

Still, sometimes that’s not enough to reassure the most frightened pupils. “That is when my small child walks up and says hello, and offers to walk them into school,” she said. 

The ride home? “I try to find a playlist and I imagine the parent who hasn’t left their home in seven or eight weeks, trusting me, a stranger, with their kids, who can barely communicate with them, making sure their kid gets home and walked to their door,” she continued. “All of this is racing through my mind as I am checking my mirrors for safety and still singing along to K Pop Demon Hunters. 

“While I love that I have these experiences, it is their parents who should be in the car, singing along and hearing the stories of the day.”     

Mary Granlund is a parent and school board chair in Columbia Heights Public Schools, where Liam is a student. She said she watched as agents pulled him from the car bringing him home and steered him up the steps to his house, where they told him to knock on the door to see whether adults would come out. 

Liam and his father were taken and flown to a detention center in Texas, where a judge Tuesday ordered ICE not to deport them. Only one of the three other children detained the same day has been allowed to come home, Granlund said.  

After Granlund publicly denounced the children’s detentions, she woke up to multiple vehicles parked outside her house, with men in tactical gear inside. She called the local police, who came and stayed — perhaps mindful that in June, not far away, a political extremist assassinated a lawmaker and her husband and nearly killed two others. “I don’t need to remind anybody in this room or watching this the fear that elected officials have related to unmarked vehicles outside your home with people wearing tactical gear,” she said. 

Though the Trump administration earlier this week signaled a willingness to , federal agents were visible in the Capitol area, and legal observers and throughout the metro area reported no slowdown in and . 

Indeed, Granlund said the hours before the press conference were as chaotic as they have been for weeks: “Today, people across Columbia Heights woke up to cars still running, doors open, empty, left in the street” — a common occurrence when agents pull someone from their vehicle and leave it, abandoned. 

Peg Nelson, a teacher in Granlund’s district for 33 years, said educators try to keep the school day as normal as possible. “But students and families look to their teachers for answers,” she said. “Children ask, ‘Can they take us?’ And we don’t know what to tell them…. We are doing everything we can. We will but we were not trained for this.”

Democratic State Sen. Steve Swazinski, who represents several western Minneapolis suburbs, taught American government for 33 years. “I don’t know how I would be teaching this right now,” he said. “I just don’t know how I would teach both sides to the story.”

Fridley’s Lewis said speaking out is particularly hard for educators, whose training and ethics are to empower students to take in a range of information and draw their own conclusions. “This is not abstract for me or for district leadership,” she said. “None of this is partisan. This is about children, predominantly children of color, being treated as less than human. And about the dehumanization of those who stand with them.”

Founding president of the National Parents Union, Keri Rodrigues traveled from Massachusetts to St. Paul to be present. “I’ve had so many conversations with people on the phone and on Zoom in the last few weeks who felt like they weren’t being heard, who felt like their experiences needed to get out there,” she told The 74. “Here’s a list of 10 things that are disrupted, and we can’t get anyone to pay attention.”   

She said her next stop is Washington, D.C., where she said she plans to recount the stories she heard to members of Congress.

Near the end of the press conference, a reporter asked about the paper bunny. Liam’s teachers stepped forward to answer. There is a Japanese tradition in which folding 1,000 origami cranes can grant a wish or speed recovery.

For Liam, the teachers have already started on 1,000 pink rabbits.

The Trump administration’s weeks-long immigration enforcement campaign in Minneapolis, which has shuttered schools and terrified students and parents, has left one group particularly vulnerable: children with disabilities. 

Their families, who already fear their kids shutting down, running away, harming themselves or acting out when confronted under normal circumstances, have seen their anxiety skyrocket as they contemplate worst-case scenarios with federal agents. 

Tens of thousands of Minnesotans gathered in sub-zero temperatures last week to demonstrate against the federal government’s ongoing presence, including and .

Idil Ahmed, who lives near the epicenter of the daily raids and protests, worries about her 6-year-old autistic daughter having a meltdown during an encounter with Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents.

“If they stop us, all hell will break loose with my child,” Ahmed said. “And there is no talking to these people.”

Parents tell The 74 they have no faith, after federal agents ripped a from her car and, according to school officials, used a this week to lure his mother from their home, that immigration officials would be patient with a child who can’t immediately respond to orders.

“When I saw that image of this young boy with his backpack, I thought, ‘That could be my son,’” said Najma Siyad, mother of a 5-year-old with autism. 

Both Ahmed and Siyad are members of Minneapolis’ Somali community, the largest in the United States and one that has for removal by President Donald Trump. 

They are among many Somali families whose children have autism; a neurodevelopmental condition that is .

They and other Somali-Americans say their children are doubly vulnerable by virtue of their race and disability: While the first is obvious, making them a potential mark for ICE and U.S. Customs and Border Protection, the second is not. 

They and other families with special needs kids have missed school, skipped doctor’s visits and, in many cases, are not getting the occupational, physical and speech therapy services that help their children manage their lives and progress academically.  

Ahmed said her daughter missed three consecutive weeks of occupational therapy because her therapist was too fearful to enter their neighborhood.

“OT for us is so important,” Ahmed said. “It regulates her emotions, helps with fine motor skills, simple things like dressing, eating, body movements, the teaching of how to be physically independent.”

And while multiple districts are offering remote learning to families afraid to leave their homes, online instruction isn’t a viable option for children who need a team of skilled school staff to access their education. 

“It’s not a solution for us,” said Anisa Hagi-Mohamed, founder of an autism advocacy group called Maangaar Voices. 

Regression, both educationally and socially, is a constant concern, these parents say. But stronger still is their worry about their child coming face-to-face with a federal agent who doesn’t know — and perhaps doesn’t care — why they won’t interact. 

A spokesman for the Department of Homeland Security, which oversees ICE and CBP, said he was working on a response as to whether agents are trained to interact with autistic children and others with disabilities. Minnesota law for peace officers but this does not apply to ICE and CBP, Minneapolis advocates say.

Hagi-Mohamed has three kids, a 9-year-old son and two daughters, ages 5 and 8. All are “on the autism spectrum,” and each has their own unique vulnerability, she said.

Her middle child is nonverbal and frequently runs away to no particular destination. 

And her son looks far older than his age. He also has difficulty responding to anyone who commands him to act. 

“He would completely shut down, self harm and get hurt in the process,” Hagi-Mohamed said, imagining him in an ICE encounter. “I worry all the time.”

She’s advised him not to talk to any adults outside of school or home. 

She’s frightened, too, for her 5-year-old, who treats all grownups with the same deference as her parents. 

“The stranger danger thing is not so strong in her,” Hagi-Mohamed said. “She is one of those kids who if you tell her to do something, she will do it.”

These families say they have remained petrified ever since an ICE agent in Minneapolis killed unarmed motorist on Jan. 7 just after . Hours later, federal agents wreaked havoc at nearby Roosevelt High School. And on Jan. 24 in what may be a turning point to the strife in Minneapolis, federal agents shot and killed a 37-year-old nurse, Alex Pretti, setting off a fresh wave of terror and outrage.

Maren Christenson, executive director of the Multicultural Autism Action Network, said she lives so close to where Good was shot that she’s worried tear gas will seep through the family’s windows from the ongoing protests. 

Christenson’s 14-year-old son, Simon Hofer, has autism and she can’t predict how he would respond to an ICE agent. 

The boy said he’s worried — not so much for himself, but for his friends. 

“I have been feeling angry, scared, sad,” he told The 74 on Thursday. “It feels kind of hopeless sometimes and overwhelming. Friends of mine and classmates are afraid to go to school and so they attend online.”

His mother has told the special education community that even if someone is Caucasian, is a citizen, has a disability and can articulate their challenges, they are not free from peril. 

Her advice? “Comply: do what they tell you to stay safe.” 

But she’s unsure whether that strategy would work for people with autism who can become unmoored by such an encounter. Stress might hamper their ability to communicate, she said.

“We have held a number of community conversations and brainstormed, asking, ‘What could we do? What are people doing?’” she said. “But the truth of the matter is we are in uncharted territory. There is no guidebook, no best practices for when your city is under siege.”

A mother of two boys with autism who lives in the southern suburbs of Minneapolis and who asked not to be named to protect her family’s safety, said her children, ages 8 and 5, are just now learning about the concept of police. 

They cannot at all understand the complexity of immigration enforcement — or the harsh tactics that have come with it — so she’s keeping them mostly at home.

“There is only so much I can do when I am not with them,” she said.

Hodan, the mother of an 18-year-old college student who has autism, said her son has always had high anxiety. But now, she said, it’s worse. She’s given him a list of a dozen phone numbers to call in an emergency that he keeps in his jeans and in his shoes. 

“He has his citizenship card in his pocket and when we drive, I make him put it on the center console,” said his mom, who asked that her last name not to be used to protect her family.

Along with school and therapy sessions, also gone from families’ routines are winter afternoons at indoor play spaces, trips to the gym for their teenagers and other kid-friendly destinations. 

Siyad, a mother of three who lives 18 miles south of Minneapolis, close to St. Paul, said they recently took the 26-minute drive to the Minnesota Children’s Museum and had to turn around when they were three minutes away after witnessing an ICE encounter on the road. 

“That fear is daily,” she said. “I am a naturalized citizen but I was not carrying my passport at the time. We had to turn around immediately.”

The painful irony, she said, is that her children, like all of the others in this story, their parents said, are U.S. citizens. 

“Our kids are as American as apple pie,” she said. “This is their home.”

That was one local district administrator’s swift reply when asked what she wants people to know about educating kids in the Twin Cities right now.   

Two weeks after federal agents killed Minneapolis mother Renee Good, virtually every aspect of schooling throughout the region is being shaken by the presence of some 3,000 Immigration and Customs Enforcement and Border Patrol officers. 

“We’re being impacted on a basis that well outpaces targeted immigration enforcement,” says Heather Anderson, a Minneapolis Public Schools parent who runs a nonprofit education-related program for students of color. “It’s pervasive. Everybody is being affected. Nobody can go to work. Nobody can use the school bus. …. I literally just dropped a load of groceries off to a family who can’t leave their house.” 

At one of Anderson’s neighborhood schools, an estimated two-thirds of students are enrolled in distance learning, she says, but many families lack wifi or hotspots. The number of students participating in her in-person program has dropped by half.    

“The kids who did come, several gave reports that ICE had been in their apartment complex, in their buildings, on their streetcorners,” she says. “We worked really hard at just creating a bubble of joy for them.”

Educator Kara Cisco lives a couple of blocks from where Good was killed. “My daughters are terrified even though they don’t fit a category that would fall under those that are targeted,” she says. “They’re both carrying their own passports. That’s scary.”

On the first day of distance learning, attendance in one of her daughter’s classes dropped from 25 students to nine, even though most are citizens. “It’s the general sense of fear,” says Cisco. “I’ve got one daughter that’s texting me pretty much every hour on the hour to notify me of the ICE presence around school.”

Federal agents outnumber the officers employed by the metropolitan area’s 10 largest police departments combined. They are roaming neighborhoods — often in convoys of unmarked SUVs — detaining U.S. citizens and legal residents along with people whose status is unknown. have reported ICE , in at least one instance at gunpoint.     

St. Paul Public Schools reported that two vans were stopped by ICE last week. Students and parents in urban and suburban school systems have been detained while waiting for school buses or public transit. A Hiawatha Collegiate High School senior was at a Minneapolis bus stop Jan. 15. A parent waiting with multiple Robbinsdale Area Public Schools students the day before.

The Department of Homeland Security claims to have detained 3,000 people so far. On Friday, a federal judge ordered the agents to stop using pepper spray and non-lethal munitions and detaining protesters and observers unless they obstruct the officers or there is reason to believe a crime has been committed. The U.S. Department of Justice this week appealed the order, even as residents continue to report observer detentions.     

Several labor unions — including educator unions in St. Paul and Minneapolis — have called for a general strike Jan. 23, and some students have said they plan to join what’s being described as an economic protest. St. Paul schools will be in session. In Minneapolis and many Twin Cities charter schools, the strike will coincide with a long-scheduled teacher record-keeping day. 

Asked at a what it feels like to attend classes now, a teen in a T-shirt emblazoned with the name of Roosevelt High School — where ICE agents pepper-sprayed and tackled parents, educators and students the day Good was killed — said it was hard seeing how many kids were not there. 

“When I came to school and I found lots of friends and classmates missing, it was scary,” he said. “I couldn’t imagine what they were going through.” 

The chaos has made it hard for schools to create and communicate contingency plans. The St. Paul district closed Jan. 20 and 21 to allow educators to organize distance learning options. Parents and teachers in other districts, however, are reporting school-by-school ad hoc arrangements.   

A parent at a high-poverty Minneapolis school in a neighborhood where an ICE agent last week says her child’s in-person classes are overstuffed as some teachers are temporarily reassigned to teach groups of kids online. Like many parents and educators, she asked not to be named for fear that her child’s school would be targeted. 

Adding to the strain, it’s unclear whether kids who are technically enrolled in remote instruction are actually online. Numerous students at her child’s school are simply no longer attending any classes because a parent or sibling has been detained, the parent says. 

“It’s happening at such breathtaking speed,” she says. “What are you even going to do?”   

forced the small, social-justice themed charter school attended by Good’s 6-year-old to move entirely online, according to Sahan Journal, a Minnesota news outlet focused on immigrants and people of color. Good had been appointed to the Southside Family Charter School’s board in August, according to the news site. 

Residents not at risk of deportation are waiting outside schools and at bus stops before and after classes, but parents and advocates say many families are still too fearful to leave their homes.  

“Parents don’t even want rides,” says one St. Paul education advocacy group leader who did not want their name used because they are at risk of detention. “They’re like, ‘I’m not going nowhere.’ … With COVID, we feared the disease itself, but it still wasn’t like if you walked outside your door there might be a masked man that jumps out at you.”

“This is no longer about immigration enforcement,” says Josh Crosson, executive director of the advocacy group EdAllies. “It feels like we’re all in a collective trauma.”

Twin Cities schools are still grappling with the impact of the pandemic and of unrest in the wake of George Floyd’s murder in 2020, he adds. “Students are witnessing their classmates and friends being abducted or removed from their school communities. The direct and indirect trauma is resulting in increased behavioral incidents with students, withdrawal and disengagement, difficulty concentrating.”  

Like many other parents and teachers, Anderson is frustrated that inequities in distance learning and community support persist even after COVID. “Schools with lots of resources are mobilizing quickly, and schools without resources have nothing,” she says. “We really aren’t in distance learning. We are really just not having kids in school if they’re poor.”  

Cisco echoed this, noting that a big difference from pandemic remote instruction is the lack of an official coordinated response.     

“A great deal of federal funding helped pay for things during COVID such as hotspots,” says Cisco. “It’s never been a foregone conclusion that every family has access to the internet — particularly those that are in sanctuary settings. … It’s absurd to expect a scholar to learn under these circumstances.”

Teachers, she adds, spend a lot of time building community and a sense of psychological safety, especially with students who are homeless or face other kinds of instability: “Creating the conditions for real learning to take place, that is completely lost when half your class is suddenly gone.”  

In a , Rochester Superintendent Kent Pekel said people of color and immigrants in his community — including citizens and district staff — are fearful of leaving their homes.

“I have no doubt that how each of us responds to this present moment will have a powerful impact on how our students see themselves and our society in the years ahead,” he said.

As horrific as the violence has been, Anderson says, she also is proud that young people are watching the community organize. “My kids have lived with this through many iterations,” she says. They know this is what their parents are going to do when their neighbors need us. 

“They have gotten to see us love with our feet and our hands.”  

While districts typically announce shifts to online learning — for severe weather, for example — as publicly as possible, outreach to families with safety concerns is largely being handled behind the scenes. School administrators are reaching out directly to parents to let them know they can keep their children home, according to district emails being circulated by parents and educators.   

Lt. Gov. Peggy Flanagan, a former Minneapolis School Board member, joined other in demanding that the state. 

“I’m a public school mom of a seventh-grader. Renee Good was a mom from our community. And since she was killed, kids have had to run from chemical agents and bear witness to their teachers being tackled by masked federal agents,” Flanagan told The 74. “We have legal observers at parent drop-offs and pick-ups because kids and their parents are terrified of what these masked agents might show up and do. 

“Schools should be a place where kids feel safe, but with ICE running rampant and acting lawlessly across Minneapolis, it’s just not the case right now, and it’s heartbreaking.”

Minneapolis, St. Paul and the Monday, charging that the mass deployment of immigration agents violated states’ rights under the 10th Amendment of the Constitution.

Some 2,000 federal agents were present in the Twin Cities on Jan. 7, when a violent skirmish broke out in front of Minneapolis’ Roosevelt High School and Good, a 37-year-old mom who had just dropped her 6-year-old off at school, was shot dead in her vehicle. That’s more than twice as many police officers as are employed by the cities of Minneapolis and St. Paul combined. 

On Sunday, Department of Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem said she had ordered “” agents to the state, referencing allegations of fraud in a COVID-era child food distribution program. Though the majority of those charged or convicted since 2022 are U.S. citizens — some of East African descent — President Donald Trump blamed the state’s 80,000 Somalis , calling them “garbage.”      

The acknowledgement that federal agents may be focusing on targets beyond undocumented immigrants came as no surprise to Twin Cities residents, who have spent recent days on the , including a number of on and near tribal lands within the city. 

Trump has repeatedly insisted that fraud is rampant within the state’s social service apparatus, including publicly subsidized child care. Claims of day care fraud are based in part on video shot in recent weeks by who visited several centers after hours and filmed himself being turned away from others.   

Parents and teachers have reported a at Minneapolis-area day cares — in particular, Spanish-language immersion programs. Residents in some neighborhoods have set up babysitting co-ops for families of preschoolers scared to use their regular centers or for parents who want to care for their own kids to enable immigrant care providers to stay home.    

Minneapolis Public Schools did not respond to requests from The 74 for details for this story, and posted on its website saying distance learning was an option. In emails to district staff shared with media outlets, administrators said students choosing to attend online would be taught by their usual teachers, in real time, with their in-school classmates, through Feb. 12. 

In St. Paul, the district has asked impacted families to contact their child’s principal in its existing online school. Several charter schools were communicating in closed forums with families and teachers. 

Speaking anonymously so as to not identify their community, an administrator in a suburban district with a heavy ICE presence explained that school systems are forgoing the blanket communications they use for snow days and other closure announcements because families are afraid they will draw attention to themselves or their neighbors by responding. By contrast, personal communication from a trusted teacher or principal seems more likely to reassure parents that their kids can safely learn online, the administrator said.  

On Monday morning, Minneapolis’ Anthony Middle School was locked down after receiving a bomb threat. Principal Mai Chang Vue told families in an email that several districts had been threatened.

Roseville Area Schools canceled field trips because “federal enforcement activity across the Twin Cities metro area has created unpredictable and rapidly changing conditions in several areas,” . 

The moves come in the wake of the violent altercation between federal agents, educators, parents and students on the grounds of Roosevelt High School the same day Good was killed in an encounter with ICE three miles away. Students were tear-gassed, and school staff reported a special education assistant was detained. 

On Monday, Roosevelt students who came to class in person walked out to protest ICE’s presence.

After the Jan. 7 shooting, schools were closed in Minneapolis and several suburban districts. A number of school systems, including St. Paul’s, also instituted transportation safety plans. Administrators in some districts reported 30% to 35% of students were absent last week. 

Students in most Minnesota districts have yet to return to pre-pandemic academic achievement levels, according to in the Minnesota Reformer. The news site reported that of the 155 districts enrolling at least 1,000 students in 2019, just six had returned to or surpassed their 2019 proficiency rates by the end of the 2024-25 school year.    

“Districts really want to serve these students in person — that’s generally the most effective,” said Scott Croonquist, executive director of the Association of Metropolitan School Districts. “But they also want to be there for their students, offering an option for them to not fall behind, to keep up with their instruction.”

In 2023, the association lobbied for a number of changes to state that have given schools the flexibility to allow students with safety concerns to attend school virtually this week. Before COVID-19, online schools — then often of shoddy quality — had to earn state approval to operate, and temporary school closures were governed by rules addressing severe winter weather.      

So-called snow days are still subject to “e-learning day” rules, which require districts to make up lost instructional time after closing for five or more days. But the 2023 law allows districts to offer remote instruction to their own students on a case-by-case basis, provided they address the needs of children with disabilities and English learners. They are not allowed to enroll pupils from other districts in their online classes.

“This will really be the first time [the new protocols] will be in widespread use by districts,” said Croonquist. 

On Jan. 8, Minnesota Education Commissioner Willie Jett reminded education leaders of the new flexibility, noting that districts were free to use “supplemental” online providers to serve students: “Minnesota law and from the Minnesota attorney general affirm that schools must remain safe spaces for all students, regardless of immigration status.”